जलजला टाइम्स

ने.क.पा.-माओवादी) का नीतिबारे संक्षिप्त चिनारी

2006-06-25T07:03:00.001-07:00

विचारधारा र अन्तिम लक्ष्य ः

नेपाली र्सवहारावर्गको राजनैतिक प्रतिनिधि, ने.क.पा.-माओवादी) को निर्देशक सिद्धान्त मा.ले.मा. र यसको अन्तिम लक्ष्य समाजवाद र साम्यवाद रहेको कुरा र्सवविदीतै छ । सिद्धान्त र लक्ष्यप्रति दृढ रह“दै पार्टर्ीी ठोस परिस्थितिको ठोस विश्लेषणका आधारमा लचिलो ढंगले आफ्ना नीतिहरुको विकास गर्दै आएको छ । विचारधाराको क्षेत्रमा जडसूत्रवाद र अनुभववादका विरुद्ध निरन्तर संर्घष्ा गर्दै सिद्धान्तको सिर्जनशील प्रयोग र विकासमा पार्टर्ीी विशेष जोड दिंदै आएको छ । यही वैज्ञानिक मान्यता अनुसार, नेपाली जनताको सामन्तवाद र सामाज्यवादविरोधी जनवादी क्रान्तिको नेतृत्व गर्ने क्रममा पार्टर्ीी आफ्नो विशिष्ट विचारश्रृंखलाका रुपमा 'प्रचण्डपथ' को संश्लेषण गरेको छ । '२१ औं शताब्दीमा जनवादको विकासबारे' प्रस्तावित नवीन विचारसम्म आउ“दा, प्रचण्डपथले कम्युनिष्ट आन्दोलनमा मौलिकता र सिर्जनशीलताको नया“ आयाम प्रस्तुत गरेको छ । विचारको यो मौलिकता र सिर्जनशीलतालाई गम्भीरतापर्ूवक बुझ्न प्रयत्न नगरी पुरानो चस्माले हर्ेर्नेहरुका लागि ने.क.पा.-माओवादी) बोधगम्य हुन सम्भव छैन ।

राजनैतिक रणनीतिबारे ः

नेपाली समाजको इतिहास एवम् यसका आर्थिक, राजनैतिक र सा“स्कृतिक विशेषताहरुको अध्ययनका आधारमा पार्टर्ीीो निष्कर्षा रहेको छ कि सामन्ती उत्पादन सम्बन्ध र साम्राज्यवादी शोषण, हस्तक्षेप नै नेपालको प्रगतिको प्रमुख बाधक हो । सामन्ती उत्पादन सम्बन्धबाट मुक्त भएपछि मात्र उत्पादक शक्तिको विकासको प्रक्रियाले अग्रगति लिनेछ र नेपाली समाजको प्रगति सुनिश्चित हुनेछ भन्ने कुरामा पार्टर्ीीृढ रह“दै आएको छ । अतः पु“जीवादी जनवादी क्रान्तिमार्फ् सामन्तवाद र साम्राज्यवादबाट नेपाली समाजलाई मुक्त गर्नु नै पार्टर्ीीे आधारभूत राजनैतिक रणनीति हो । जनयुद्धको फौजी रणनीति वस्तुतः यही राजनैतिक रणनीति हासिल गर्ने उद्देश्यमा आधारित रहेको छ ।

राजनैतिक कार्यनीति अर्थात तात्कालिक नीतिबारे ः

आजको समग्र अन्तर्रर्ााट्रय परिस्थिति एवम् देशभित्र विद्यमान शक्ति सन्तुलनको विशिष्ट स्थितिका आधारमा पार्टर्ीी अत्यन्त लचिलो कार्यनीति अपनाउ“दै आएको छ । गोलमेच सम्मेलन, अन्तरिम सरकार र संविधान-सभाको निर्वाचन यस सर्न्दर्भमा पार्टर्ीी प्रस्तुत गरेको न्यूनतम राजनैतिक कार्यनीति हो । संविधान-सभामार्फ् बन्ने नया“ संविधानले मात्र नेपाली जनताको र्सार्वभौम अधिकारलाई वास्तविक रुपमा संस्थागत गर्न सक्नेछ । जनवादको यो सर्वोत्तम विधिद्वारा नेपाली जनतालाई आफ्नो भाग्य र भविष्यको फैसला आफै गर्न दिने कुरामा कसैले असहमत हुनु पर्ने कारण नै छैन ।

यही लचिलो कार्यनीतिका आधारमा पार्टर्ीी पुरानो सामन्ती सत्तास“ग दर्ुइ पटक वार्ता समेत गरिसकेको छ । तर, दुबै पटकको वार्तामा पुरानो सत्ता राजनैतिक निकासको पक्षमा होइन षडयन्त्र र प्रतिगमनको पक्षमा रहेको कुरामात्र प्रमाणित भयो । संविधान-सभामार्फ् नया“ संविधान निर्माण गर्ने जस्तो र्सवमान्य विधिमा समेत असहमत हुनुले पुरानो सत्ता जनतामा होइन हतियार, सेना र आतंकमा मात्र विश्वास गर्दछ भन्ने तथ्यलाई नै पुष्टि गर्दछ ।

नेपालमा विगत ५३ वर्षो राजनैतिक घटनाक्रमले पटक-पटक पुष्टि गरेको छ कि जनताको जनवादी अधिकारका निमित्त सामन्ती राजतन्त्र नै प्रमुख बाधक रह“दै आएको छ । आठ वर्षो जनयुद्ध, कुख्यात नारायणहिटी हत्याकाण्ड एवम् गत असोज १८ को प्रतिगामी कदमसम्म आइपुग्दा नेपाली जनताको मनमस्तिष्कमा राजा र राजतन्त्रप्रति घृणा र आक्रोश चुलिंदै गएको छ । गणतन्त्रको चेतना आम नेपाली जनताको चेतना बनिसकेको यथार्थबाट भयभीत भएर नै दरबार हत्याकाण्ड पछिको नक्कली राजतन्त्रले संविधान-सभाको विरोध गरिरहेको छ । अहिले मुख्यतः अमेरिकी साम्राज्यवादको चाकडी र दलाली गरेर उसले नेपाल र नेपाली जनतामाथि हत्या र आतंकको राज्य कायम गर्ने दुष्प्रयास गरिरहेको छ ।

अन्तर्रर्ााट्रय समुदायलाई भ्रमित पार्ने तथा आफ्नो सामन्ती सैनिक अधिनायकवादलाई टिकाइराख्ने षडयन्त्र अर्न्तर्गत पुरानो सत्ताले नेपाली जनताको महान् र ऐतिहासिक जनवादी आन्दोलनलाई "आतंकवाद" को संज्ञा दिइरहेको छ । दक्षिण एशियामा अमेरिकी साम्राज्यवादको प्रभुत्वका लागि एउटा गोटीको भूमिकामा पतन भएको नेपालको पुरानो सामन्ती सत्ताको भ्रामक र षडयन्त्रमूलक प्रचारबाजीप्रति अन्तर्रर्ााट्रय समुदायलाई सजग गराउन पार्टर्ीी जोड दिंदै आएको छ । यस सर्न्दर्भमा पार्टर्ीी निम्न न्यूनतम नीति तथा कार्यक्रमप्रतिको प्रतिबद्धता पुनः स्पष्ट गरिन्छ ः

· पार्टर्ीीेशमा विद्यमान संकटको अग्रगामी राजनैतिक निकासका निमित्त गोलमेच सम्मेलन, अन्तरिम सरकार र संविधान-सभाको निर्वाचनमार्फ् नया“ संविधान निर्माण गर्ने प्रश्नलाई अहिले पनि आफ्नो तात्कालिक न्यूनतम राजनैतिक प्रस्ताव मान्दछ ।

· पार्टर्ीींविधान-सभामार्फ् गणतन्त्रात्मक राज्यसत्तालाई संस्थागत गर्न चाहन्छ र स्वतन्त्र एवम् निष्पक्ष निर्वाचनको स्थितिमा नेपाली जनताको अभिमत गणतन्त्रको पक्षमा व्यक्त हुने कुरामा विश्वास राख्दछ ।

· देशमा दर्ुइ विचार, दर्ुइ सेना र दर्ुइ सत्ता विद्यमान रहेको वर्तमान स्थितिमा पार्टर्ीीुवै सेनालाई निष्त्रिmय राखी संयुक्त राष्ट्र संघ एवम् अन्तर्रर्ााट्रय मानव अधिकारवादी संस्थाहरुको पर्यवेक्षणमा संविधान-सभाको निर्वाचन गर्न तयार छ ।

नया“ संविधानको अर्न्तर्वस्तुमा ः

-क) राजनैतिक ः

जनताको पर्ूण्ा र्सार्वभौमिकता, धर्मनिरपेक्ष राज्य, जनताको सर्वोच्च प्रतिनिधि संस्थाका रुपमा निर्वाचित जनप्रतिनिधि सभा, एकीकृत राष्ट्रिय सेनाको पर्ुनसंगठन, आत्मनिर्ण्र्ााो अधिकारसहित जातीय र क्षेत्रीय स्वशासनको व्यवस्था, जनइच्छाअनुसार संविधानमा परिवर्तन वा परिमार्जनको व्यवस्था, बहुदलीय प्रतिस्पर्धा, आवधिक निर्वाचन, बालिग मताधिकार, विधिको शासन, वाक तथा प्रेस स्वतन्त्रता लगायतका मौलिक अधिकारको व्यवस्था, महिला र दलितहरुका लागि विशेषाधिकारको व्यवस्था आदि रहने छन् ।

ख) आर्थिक ः

जमिन जोत्नेको सिद्धान्तअनुसार जमिनको न्यायपर्ूण्ा वितरणका निमित्त क्रान्तिकारी भूमिसुधार, आत्मनिर्भर र राष्ट्रिय औधोगिक नीति, राष्ट्रिय पु“जीको संरक्षण र विकास, प्राकृतिक साधनश्रोतको समुचित सदुपयोगका निमित्त एकीकृत राष्ट्रिय नीतिको विकास आदि रहनेछन् ।

ग) सामाजिक ः

भ्रष्टाचारी, कमिसनखोर, तष्कर र नाफाखोरहरुमाथि कडा कार्यवाही गर्ने संयन्त्रको विकास, रोजगारमूलक राष्ट्रिय र वैज्ञानिक शिक्षा प्रणालीको विकास, र्सवसुलभ स्वास्थ्य, असहाय वृद्ध र बालबालिकाहरुका लागि हेरचाहको व्यवस्था, महिला र दलितहरुमाथि भइरहेका सबै प्रकारका शोषण, भेदभाव र अपमानको अन्त्य, न्यूनतम ज्याला निर्धारणसहित औद्यौगिक व्यवस्थापनमा मजदूर सहभागिताको ग्यारेण्टी, बौद्धिक र प्राज्ञिक स्वतन्त्रता एवम् पेशागत संरक्षणको ग्यारेण्टी, सामन्तवादी र साम्राज्यवादी प्र्रतिगामी स“स्कृतिका विरुद्व जनवादी र वैज्ञानिक स“स्कृतिको विकास, एकीकृत राष्ट्रिय पर्ूवाधार विकासको योजनासहित रोजगारको व्यवस्था, जनताका वर्गीय हितहरुको संरक्षण आदि रहनेछन् ।

घ) विदेश नीति ः

· पञ्चशील र असंलग्नताका आधारमा मैत्री सम्बन्ध कायम गर्ने स्वतन्त्र विदेश नीति अवलम्बन गर्ने,

· विगतमा भए-गरेका सबै असमान सन्धिहरुको खारेजी र नया“ आधारमा नया“ सन्धि, सम्झौता गर्ने

· आर्थिक, राजनैतिक, सा“स्कृतिक, ऐतिहासिक र भौगोलिक सम्बन्धको विशिष्टताका आधारमा छिमेकी भारत र चीनस“ग आपसी हितको पहिचान गरी प्राकृतिक स्रोतसाधनको सदुपयोग, वाणिज्य, पारवाहन लगायतका विषयमा सहमति कायम गर्दै राम्रो छिमेकी सम्बन्धको विकास गर्ने ।

पार्टर्ीी उपरोक्त तात्कालिक नीतिहरुले देशमा विद्यमान गृहयुद्धको शान्तिपर्ूण्ा र अग्रगामी राजनैतिक निकासका लागि अत्यन्त लचिलो र जनवादी विधिलाई व्यक्त गरेको कुरा स्वतः स्पष्ट छ । तर, जनआधार र विश्वास पूरै गुमाइसकेको सामन्ती पुरानो सत्ताले साम्राज्यवादको सैन्य सहयोगका आडमा नेपाली जनतामाथि विशुद्ध फौजी आतंक लाद्ने अपराध गरिरहेको छ । यो स्थितिमा देशभित्र र बाहिरका सम्पर्ूण्ा जनवादी शक्तिहरुले सामन्ती निरंकुश राजतन्त्रका विरुद्ध र जनताको गणतान्त्रिक आन्दोलनका पक्षमा ऐक्यबद्धता जाहेर गर्ने कुराको महत्वलाई पार्टर्ीी गम्भीरतापर्ूवक लिइरहेको छ । अतः पार्टर्ीी नेपाली जनताको जनवादी आन्दोलनको पक्षमा आवाज बुलन्द गर्न सम्बन्धित सबैस“ग अपील गर्दै आएको छ ।

विचारधारा र अन्तिम लक्ष्य ः

नेपाली र्सवहारावर्गको राजनैतिक प्रतिनिधि, ने.क.पा.-माओवादी) को निर्देशक सिद्धान्त मा.ले.मा. र यसको अन्तिम लक्ष्य समाजवाद र साम्यवाद रहेको कुरा र्सवविदीतै छ । सिद्धान्त र लक्ष्यप्रति दृढ रह“दै पार्टर्ीी ठोस परिस्थितिको ठोस विश्लेषणका आधारमा लचिलो ढंगले आफ्ना नीतिहरुको विकास गर्दै आएको छ । विचारधाराको क्षेत्रमा जडसूत्रवाद र अनुभववादका विरुद्ध निरन्तर संर्घष्ा गर्दै सिद्धान्तको सिर्जनशील प्रयोग र विकासमा पार्टर्ीी विशेष जोड दिंदै आएको छ । यही वैज्ञानिक मान्यता अनुसार, नेपाली जनताको सामन्तवाद र सामाज्यवादविरोधी जनवादी क्रान्तिको नेतृत्व गर्ने क्रममा पार्टर्ीी आफ्नो विशिष्ट विचारश्रृंखलाका रुपमा 'प्रचण्डपथ' को संश्लेषण गरेको छ । '२१ औं शताब्दीमा जनवादको विकासबारे' प्रस्तावित नवीन विचारसम्म आउ“दा, प्रचण्डपथले कम्युनिष्ट आन्दोलनमा मौलिकता र सिर्जनशीलताको नया“ आयाम प्रस्तुत गरेको छ । विचारको यो मौलिकता र सिर्जनशीलतालाई गम्भीरतापर्ूवक बुझ्न प्रयत्न नगरी पुरानो चस्माले हर्ेर्नेहरुका लागि ने.क.पा.
-माओवादी) बोधगम्य हुन सम्भव छैन ।

राजनैतिक रणनीतिबारे ः

नेपाली समाजको इतिहास एवम् यसका आर्थिक, राजनैतिक र सा“स्कृतिक विशेषताहरुको अध्ययनका आधारमा पार्टर्ीीो निष्कर्षा रहेको छ कि सामन्ती उत्पादन सम्बन्ध र साम्राज्यवादी शोषण, हस्तक्षेप नै नेपालको प्रगतिको प्रमुख बाधक हो । सामन्ती उत्पादन सम्बन्धबाट मुक्त भएपछि मात्र उत्पादक शक्तिको विकासको प्रक्रियाले अग्रगति लिनेछ र नेपाली समाजको प्रगति सुनिश्चित हुनेछ भन्ने कुरामा पार्टर्ीीृढ रह“दै आएको छ । अतः पु“जीवादी जनवादी क्रान्तिमार्फ् सामन्तवाद र साम्राज्यवादबाट नेपाली समाजलाई मुक्त गर्नु नै पार्टर्ीीे आधारभूत राजनैतिक रणनीति हो । जनयुद्धको फौजी रणनीति वस्तुतः यही राजनैतिक रणनीति हासिल गर्ने उद्देश्यमा आधारित रहेको छ ।

राजनैतिक कार्यनीति अर्थात तात्कालिक नीतिबारे ः

आजको समग्र अन्तर्रर्ााट्रय परिस्थिति एवम् देशभित्र विद्यमान शक्ति सन्तुलनको विशिष्ट स्थितिका आधारमा पार्टर्ीी अत्यन्त लचिलो कार्यनीति अपनाउ“दै आएको छ । गोलमेच सम्मेलन, अन्तरिम सरकार र संविधान-सभाको निर्वाचन यस सर्न्दर्भमा पार्टर्ीी प्रस्तुत गरेको न्यूनतम राजनैतिक कार्यनीति हो । संविधान-सभामार्फ् बन्ने नया“ संविधानले मात्र नेपाली जनताको र्सार्वभौम अधिकारलाई वास्तविक रुपमा संस्थागत गर्न सक्नेछ । जनवादको यो सर्वोत्तम विधिद्वारा नेपाली जनतालाई आफ्नो भाग्य र भविष्यको फैसला आफै गर्न दिने कुरामा कसैले असहमत हुनु पर्ने कारण नै छैन ।

यही लचिलो कार्यनीतिका आधारमा पार्टर्ीी पुरानो सामन्ती सत्तास“ग दर्ुइ पटक वार्ता समेत गरिसकेको छ । तर, दुबै पटकको वार्तामा पुरानो सत्ता राजनैतिक निकासको पक्षमा होइन षडयन्त्र र प्रतिगमनको पक्षमा रहेको कुरामात्र प्रमाणित भयो । संविधान-सभामार्फ् नया“ संविधान निर्माण गर्ने जस्तो र्सवमान्य विधिमा समेत असहमत हुनुले पुरानो सत्ता जनतामा होइन हतियार, सेना र आतंकमा मात्र विश्वास गर्दछ भन्ने तथ्यलाई नै पुष्टि गर्दछ ।

नेपालमा विगत ५३ वर्षो राजनैतिक घटनाक्रमले पटक-पटक पुष्टि गरेको छ कि जनताको जनवादी अधिकारका निमित्त सामन्ती राजतन्त्र नै प्रमुख बाधक रह“दै आएको छ । आठ वर्षो जनयुद्ध, कुख्यात नारायणहिटी हत्याकाण्ड एवम् गत असोज १८ को प्रतिगामी कदमसम्म आइपुग्दा नेपाली जनताको मनमस्तिष्कमा राजा र राजतन्त्रप्रति घृणा र आक्रोश चुलिंदै गएको छ । गणतन्त्रको चेतना आम नेपाली जनताको चेतना बनिसकेको यथार्थबाट भयभीत भएर नै दरबार हत्याकाण्ड पछिको नक्कली राजतन्त्रले संविधान-सभाको विरोध गरिरहेको छ । अहिले मुख्यतः अमेरिकी साम्राज्यवादको चाकडी र दलाली गरेर उसले नेपाल र नेपाली जनतामाथि हत्या र आतंकको राज्य कायम गर्ने दुष्प्रयास गरिरहेको छ ।

अन्तर्रर्ााट्रय समुदायलाई भ्रमित पार्ने तथा आफ्नो सामन्ती सैनिक अधिनायकवादलाई टिकाइराख्ने षडयन्त्र अर्न्तर्गत पुरानो सत्ताले नेपाली जनताको महान् र ऐतिहासिक जनवादी आन्दोलनलाई "आतंकवाद" को संज्ञा दिइरहेको छ । दक्षिण एशियामा अमेरिकी साम्राज्यवादको प्रभुत्वका लागि एउटा गोटीको भूमिकामा पतन भएको नेपालको पुरानो सामन्ती सत्ताको भ्रामक र षडयन्त्रमूलक प्रचारबाजीप्रति अन्तर्रर्ााट्रय समुदायलाई सजग गराउन पार्टर्ीी जोड दिंदै आएको छ । यस सर्न्दर्भमा पार्टर्ीी निम्न न्यूनतम नीति तथा कार्यक्रमप्रतिको प्रतिबद्धता पुनः स्पष्ट गरिन्छ ः

· पार्टर्ीीेशमा विद्यमान संकटको अग्रगामी राजनैतिक निकासका निमित्त गोलमेच सम्मेलन, अन्तरिम सरकार र संविधान-सभाको निर्वाचनमार्फ् नया“ संविधान निर्माण गर्ने प्रश्नलाई अहिले पनि आफ्नो तात्कालिक न्यूनतम राजनैतिक प्रस्ताव मान्दछ ।

· पार्टर्ीींविधान-सभामार्फ् गणतन्त्रात्मक राज्यसत्तालाई संस्थागत गर्न चाहन्छ र स्वतन्त्र एवम् निष्पक्ष निर्वाचनको स्थितिमा नेपाली जनताको अभिमत गणतन्त्रको पक्षमा व्यक्त हुने कुरामा विश्वास राख्दछ ।

· देशमा दर्ुइ विचार, दर्ुइ सेना र दर्ुइ सत्ता विद्यमान रहेको वर्तमान स्थितिमा पार्टर्ीीुवै सेनालाई निष्त्रिmय राखी संयुक्त राष्ट्र संघ एवम् अन्तर्रर्ााट्रय मानव अधिकारवादी संस्थाहरुको पर्यवेक्षणमा संविधान-सभाको निर्वाचन गर्न तयार छ ।

नया“ संविधानको अर्न्तर्वस्तुमा ः

-क) राजनैतिक ः

जनताको पर्ूण्ा र्सार्वभौमिकता, धर्मनिरपेक्ष राज्य, जनताको सर्वोच्च प्रतिनिधि संस्थाका रुपमा निर्वाचित जनप्रतिनिधि सभा, एकीकृत राष्ट्रिय सेनाको पर्ुनसंगठन, आत्मनिर्ण्र्ााो अधिकारसहित जातीय र क्षेत्रीय स्वशासनको व्यवस्था, जनइच्छाअनुसार संविधानमा परिवर्तन वा परिमार्जनको व्यवस्था, बहुदलीय प्रतिस्पर्धा, आवधिक निर्वाचन, बालिग मताधिकार, विधिको शासन, वाक तथा प्रेस स्वतन्त्रता लगायतका मौलिक अधिकारको व्यवस्था, महिला र दलितहरुका लागि विशेषाधिकारको व्यवस्था आदि रहने छन् ।

ख) आर्थिक ः

जमिन जोत्नेको सिद्धान्तअनुसार जमिनको न्यायपर्ूण्ा वितरणका निमित्त क्रान्तिकारी भूमिसुधार, आत्मनिर्भर र राष्ट्रिय औधोगिक नीति, राष्ट्रिय पु“जीको संरक्षण र विकास, प्राकृतिक साधनश्रोतको समुचित सदुपयोगका निमित्त एकीकृत राष्ट्रिय नीतिको विकास आदि रहनेछन् ।

ग) सामाजिक ः

भ्रष्टाचारी, कमिसनखोर, तष्कर र नाफाखोरहरुमाथि कडा कार्यवाही गर्ने संयन्त्रको विकास, रोजगारमूलक राष्ट्रिय र वैज्ञानिक शिक्षा प्रणालीको विकास, र्सवसुलभ स्वास्थ्य, असहाय वृद्ध र बालबालिकाहरुका लागि हेरचाहको व्यवस्था, महिला र दलितहरुमाथि भइरहेका सबै प्रकारका शोषण, भेदभाव र अपमानको अन्त्य, न्यूनतम ज्याला निर्धारणसहित औद्यौगिक व्यवस्थापनमा मजदूर सहभागिताको ग्यारेण्टी, बौद्धिक र प्राज्ञिक स्वतन्त्रता एवम् पेशागत संरक्षणको ग्यारेण्टी, सामन्तवादी र साम्राज्यवादी प्र्रतिगामी स“स्कृतिका विरुद्व जनवादी र वैज्ञानिक स“स्कृतिको विकास, एकीकृत राष्ट्रिय पर्ूवाधार विकासको योजनासहित रोजगारको व्यवस्था, जनताका वर्गीय हितहरुको संरक्षण आदि रहनेछन् ।

घ) विदेश नीति ः

· पञ्चशील र असंलग्नताका आधारमा मैत्री सम्बन्ध कायम गर्ने स्वतन्त्र विदेश नीति अवलम्बन गर्ने,

· विगतमा भए-गरेका सबै असमान सन्धिहरुको खारेजी र नया“ आधारमा नया“ सन्धि, सम्झौता गर्ने

· आर्थिक, राजनैतिक, सा“स्कृतिक, ऐतिहासिक र भौगोलिक सम्बन्धको विशिष्टताका आधारमा छिमेकी भारत र चीनस“ग आपसी हितको पहिचान गरी प्राकृतिक स्रोतसाधनको सदुपयोग, वाणिज्य, पारवाहन लगायतका विषयमा सहमति कायम गर्दै राम्रो छिमेकी सम्बन्धको विकास गर्ने ।

पार्टर्ीी उपरोक्त तात्कालिक नीतिहरुले देशमा विद्यमान गृहयुद्धको शान्तिपर्ूण्ा र अग्रगामी राजनैतिक निकासका लागि अत्यन्त लचिलो र जनवादी विधिलाई व्यक्त गरेको कुरा स्वतः स्पष्ट छ । तर, जनआधार र विश्वास पूरै गुमाइसकेको सामन्ती पुरानो सत्ताले साम्राज्यवादको सैन्य सहयोगका आडमा नेपाली जनतामाथि विशुद्ध फौजी आतंक लाद्ने अपराध गरिरहेको छ । यो स्थितिमा देशभित्र र बाहिरका सम्पर्ूण्ा जनवादी शक्तिहरुले सामन्ती निरंकुश राजतन्त्रका विरुद्ध र जनताको गणतान्त्रिक आन्दोलनका पक्षमा ऐक्यबद्धता जाहेर गर्ने कुराको महत्वलाई पार्टर्ीी गम्भीरतापर्ूवक लिइरहेको छ । अतः पार्टर्ीी नेपाली जनताको जनवादी आन्दोलनको पक्षमा आवाज बुलन्द गर्न सम्बन्धित सबैस“ग अपील गर्दै आएको छ ।

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Shobhakar Budhathoki*

Nepal

’s peaceful demonstrations have been opening the path for sustainable peace and ending the autocratic monarchy in the country. The historic 19-day-long peoples’ movement that began on April 6, 2006 has forced King Gyanendra to withdraw from his position as absolute monarch. The forceful reinstatement of the June 2002 dissolved parliament and handover of executive powers, ended, to some extent, the King’s illegitimate and authoritarian regime. However, the struggle goes on to achieve absolute democracy and eliminate the remaining autocratic elements in the government and throughout the country, while King Gyanendra continues to defend his February 1^st, 2005 autocratic move and position the Shah Dynasty as the patron of the country, atrocities continue to be carried out by the security forces, and human rights abuses and the use of excessive force against peaceful demonstrators goes on. The royal address that reinstated parliament completely disregards the people’s aspirations and the minimum demand of the Seven Political Party Alliance (SPA) that include the declaration of an unconditional constituent assembly election to lay the foundation for an absolute democracy and sustainable peace.

Although the royal address theoretically accepts the SPA’s roadmap, the potential for disrupting the process of state restructuring and moving forward with the roadmap remains considerable. Despite the vagueness and obvious insincerity of the monarch’s statement, the SPA welcomed the reinstatement of parliament and recommended Nepali Congress President Girija Prasad Koirala for the post of Prime Minister, which was announced as such by the King on April 27, 2006. The SPA further decided to declare the constituent assembly election; hold dialogue with the Maoists; constitute an inquiry commission to investigate the atrocities carried out during peaceful demonstrations; annul all “regressive” decisions taken and ordinances made by the King’s regime after October 2002; and compensate the martyrs’ kin and those seriously injured persons during the democratic movement.

The Maoists rejected the King’s reinstatement of parliament stating that the royal address did not address the minimum demand of the people’s movement and that they will continue the peace and democratic movement until the declaration of an unconditional constituent assembly election. They also expressed their disappointment in the SPA immediately accepting the King’s “deal” and potentially undermining the SPA – Maoist 12-point understanding that was formed in a November 2005 dialogue session. However, the Maoists have decided to withdraw their indefinite blockade of Kathmandu and District Headquarters until the first parliamentary session to be held on April 28, 2006 and have declared a three-month ceasefire, demonstrating their commitment to the 12-point understanding and in a step that seems to be giving the SPA this time to at least make significant progress in fulfilling the demands of the people.

The most recent and largest demonstrations that led to the current political situation were comprised of professionals, laborers, peasants, women, various religious and ethnic groups, etc…; generally ordinary Nepalese came out in droves to protest the King and ensure that they have a democratic and free future. Hundreds of thousands of ordinary people have joined in peaceful demonstrations against the King’s authoritarian regime and now to lobby the SPA to ensure their role in determining the future political system of the country. The consensus of ending the King’s authoritarian regime through peaceful movement was decided after continuous dialogue between the SPA and the CPN-Maoists as put forth in the 12-point understanding. The understanding provides opportunities to bring the Maoists into mainstream politics and lays out their commitment to a multiparty system, human rights, rule of law, press freedom, etc.

In response to the large peaceful demonstrations, the King’s security forces have used excessive force against the demonstrators. The army as well as the armed police and Nepal police were mobilized against the demonstrators. Protesters and bystanders alike were badly beaten, resulting in serious head wounds, broken bones, neck and back injuries and loss of sight. Tear gas was used in excess resulting in respiratory problems and a few cases of individuals who remain unconscious today due to the tear gas. The firing of tear gas was also carried out at small groups at close range. While rubber bullets were used the security forces also used live ammunition, resulting in a minimum of 15 deaths. The exact number of deaths cannot be confirmed because the security forces were seen taking away bodies from the scene of demonstrations and also have taken away the corpses of martyrs from hospitals resulting in at least one cremation without consent from the family. They had also taken injured persons who have not yet been located. The security forces also prevented ambulances, medical teams, and hospitals from carrying out medical services to injured persons on numerous occasions. The actual number of injured persons also remains unclear, but the political parties and human rights organizations have statement that more than 5,000 people were injured in 19 days of demonstrations.

The regime, including the security forces who are directly under the command of the King, must be held accountable for their actions. They have worked and continue to work with full impunity. The Royal Nepal Army, the Armed Police Force, and the Nepal Police have been given excessive powers by the King to carry out repressive measures against peaceful demonstrators, impose unnecessary prohibitory orders and curfews, and restrict the movement of ambulances, medical teams, human rights defenders and media during curfew hours, illegally detain leaders and cadres of political parties, the human rights community, journalists, etc. The regime has also used the National Intelligence Bureau, plain-clothed security forces and vigilantes to disrupt peaceful demonstrations. Some of these have been placed in crowds with weapons (grenades, pistols, etc…) to accuse the Maoists of infiltration and as an excuse to use force. Some have physically attacked leaders of the SPA and leaders of the student associations, and some have been planted among the demonstrators and have instigated violence against the security forces, human rights defenders, and medical teams.

While the King retains a significant amount of power, the reinstatement of parliament must now be considered the beginning of establishing an absolute democracy and sustainable peace in the country. The restored parliament should operate as the means of achieving the goals of the 12- point understanding, which includes the aspirations of the Nepalese people. However, parliament may not be enough and the peaceful democratic movement should and will continue to lobby leaders, and also to continue voicing Nepalese sovereignty and what that will mean for the future of the monarchy and structure of the state.

Therefore, national actors (political parties, civil society, professionals, trade unions, women and minority groups, human rights community, students, media, etc) and the international community (UN, EU, residential diplomatic offices, donors, friendly countries, etc.) must continue to support the SPA’s attempt to establish absolute democracy and sustainable peace through holding the unconditional constituent assembly election and initiating political dialogue with the Maoists. In the mean time, the international community should not blindly give funding and aid to a government that is still ultimately controlled by the monarch; a monarch that has taken power and wealth from the people and suppressed the rights of that people, nor to his security forces who have committed grievous human rights violations, particularly since February 1, 2005. The international community must play a proactive role in ensuring that the commitment made by the monarch, to give sovereignty to the people of Nepal, is upheld and fulfilled.

* Human rights defender/ conflict resolution practitioner Budhathoki is a steering committee member of the Defend Human Rights Movement- Nepal, holds Masters Degree in Peace and Justice Studies from the University of San Diego, USA.

New history will be write

2006-04-04T04:13:00.000-07:00

Q. How do you expect next week's movement to go? Girija Prasad Koirala: The outline for the movement has already been drawn. Accordingly, all the seven parties have vowed to take the movement to its climax. This movement is going to be different from all the ones before. Our movement will be certainly peaceful. There have been attempts to link our movement with the Maoists' strike but it is the continuation of our three-year-long agitation. I take no notice of how others link the continuation of our movement. It is clear that we are not going with the Maoists. We are prepared to lead the movement peacefully on our own. We will take this movement as the people's movement. This movement is neither for an individual nor for a party; it is for the welfare of all Nepalese, to restore their rights that have been snatched from them. Therefore, all the people, whether from villages or from cities, they are agitated. We need to coordinate it and move ahead united. Q: Your movement has been patchy, often slumping and losing momentum over the last three years. How will it differ this time? Koirala: I have always told the leaders of all parties that our main focus should be on giving continuity to the movement. There have been highs and lows. But now we have concluded not to stop the movement under any circumstances. Q: First you decided for a showdown in the capital but immediately you changed the decision to make a nationwide movement. Why? Koirala: It is difficult to understand the movement and this is our strategy as well. The movement will take place in the districts too, but will be focussed in the capital. Because the international community's eyes are on the capital, everyone's attention is drawn here. We have decided to carry out a decentralized movement nationwide with the main focus in the capital. Q: But dispersing it to the districts will have no effect in Kathmandu, right? Koirala: People who can make it (to Kathmandu) will join the movement here and the rest will continue their movements in their respective districts. Q: When you planned for the capital-centric movement, why did you announce the nationwide strike? Will this not make it difficult for the people planning to come to Kathmandu? Koirala: It is not that there will be no showdown during the strike. The strike will rather include all the people in the movement. It will be a genuine "people's movement" then. Q: How can people come to Kathmandu with a three-day-long bandh? Koirala: The cadres will have already arrived by then. Many others will still be coming and some of them can come even after the strike is over. There will be no shortage of people. Q: How many cadres do you expect to bring in? Koirala: That cannot be counted. But it will be massive. With all the professional organizations joining in, its scope will be huge. Q: You reached yet another agreement with the Maoists prior to the movement. How are your relations with them now? Koirala: Many people have had a lot to say about the 12-point seven parties-Maoist pact. Some had reservations too. But we held talks with the Maoists, and the international community, adhering to our basic ideals. Our basic ideal is to put an end to the authoritarian rule, restore peace and complete democracy for a free, sovereign and prosperous Nepal. I have made these points clear to the Chinese, Americans and others. The 12-point pact is included within this ideal of ours. They even asked me if I was leaving behind BP's policy of national reconciliation. If you study (the understanding) well, even that policy is included in it. BP's reconciliation was between the King and the people as there was no third party like today's Maoists involved. But we have a third power now. That’s why my concern is reconciliation between all the three sides.

Another personal view of mine is that we should not distort history's continuity, be it individual or institutional. If I have a bad name but my work is good, then it is the work and not the name that is evaluated. It is history which identifies characters. If history is erased so are our identities. Nepali congress has a history and it is from that history we have our identity. That’s why we should keep the history, and with it identity, intact.

Q: Does protecting history mean protecting the monarchy as well? Koirala: We have not jumped to republicanism as yet. We have reached as far as ceremonial monarchy. That is complete democracy. The Nepali Congress has not reached republicanism but the general mood in the nation definitely has. The BBC once asked me what 'complete democracy' meant. I told them that the Queen (UK) neither intervenes in the parliament nor in the daily state affairs. I told them that that was the status of a ceremonial monarch. Continuity of history means moving on by the current constitution. Even if we go to a constituent assembly, we have to move through this constitution. It will give continuity to both history and identity. Our movement will be complete and the king, too, will not be left with any rights. Q: Even with the king's autocratic modus operandi and the persistent threats from some ministers, your views haven't changed? Koirala: This is not a one-day affair. I may not be alive till then, but that day is bound to come. Everybody talks about (keeping) the king now, I might do it too. But such an environment has already been created that even if I am not there, nobody can stop it. The seed for complete democracy has already been sown. It's a different thing if the king changes everything in time, otherwise history will be made this way. Q. You face two different schools of thought within your own party- one is against the understanding with the Maoists, the other advocates republicanism, right? Koirala: The international community including America, too, says we should not move ahead with the Maoists, saying the Maoists cannot be trusted. We are democratic parties. Democratic parties have responsibilities. That responsibility is to bring the undemocratic forces into the democratic-constitutional fold. It is our responsibility and duty. Ok, let's assume for a while that I will fail; I may be unsuccessful but the country will not, only Girija Prasad will fail. But if I become successful, a small underdeveloped country that perhaps doesn't enjoy much importance in the world map will set an example for the international community. And an example for the terrorists across the world that the problem can be resolved only through dialogue. Consider this as my political gamble. Q: Incidentally, the US ambassador has been warning that the Maoists might take total control with the aid of the movement. What do you say? Koirala: In order to prevent that from happening, I have always wanted to bring them into the democratic framework. America and all the others have their contradictions here. They say that there is no military solution and we need to find a political solution but why do they fear when we try to bring the Maoists closer to the political solution? I may fail when a responsible political party attempts to bring the Maoists in the political mainstream but the nation will definitely not fail. Q: You might have talked about abandoning and managing the arms with Prachanda. Did you have any agreements? Koirala: We need a third party to assist in this regard. I do not agree that there should be a tri-polar talk (seven parties, Maoists and the king) regarding the management of the arms. I have always told the Maoists that I never can trust guns; whether they belong to the Maoists or the king. Many incidents have occurred recently. I warned (the rebel leaders), "Did not the King tell you to rule jointly saying that he will jail all others. That brought a divide between you two (Prachanda and Baburam). Prachanda accused Baburam of being pro-Indian while the Baburam blamed Prachanda of being pro-palace. So how can I trust your gun? That’s why I have always told that I can never trust both guns. If you and the king joined hands what will be the condition of the democratic forces? That’s why we need a third party. You might have fears about we joining hands with the king too." Q. At what stage will that third party arrive? Koirala: In the situation of talks. It will not come in this situation. The third party will come once they (Maoists) are brought to the negotiating table. Negotiation with the Maoists will be held in the presence of the third party. What we have done so far with the Maoists is just an understanding. They should be brought into this process gradually. (Laughs) Not like the way I light my cigarette with the flash of a matchstick. Q. What will be the king's role in the negotiation to be held in the presence of a third party? Koirala: The king himself should think about his role, not me. I can talk about my role; the king must relinquish his rights. He should be ready to become a ceremonial king. Q. The Maoists are ready to keep a ceremonial king? Koirala: Look, I don’t want to say everything. It may spoil the broth. You don’t ask me more than this. I am not speaking just like that (but) with self-confidence. I am speaking with the confidence which I developed after meeting them. After (Prachanda’s interview in) Kantipur, Indian (newspaper) Hindu and BBC TV, (people?) came to me saying (Prachanda) spoke in this way. I don’t want to comment on what Prachanda said in those interviews. I told them to look at what I speak outside and what I say here and now. We speak outside to encourage our cadres. Their (Maoists') cadres have guns in their hands; therefore they speak to encourage their cadres. Q. Why did you refuse to issue a joint press statement when the seven parties reached the second understanding with the Maoists? Koirala: It was me who did not agree to issue a joint statement. I had told them that I would not do this in any case. I told Prachanda that I could not sign a joint statement when I do not trust both guns. On the last day as we were having a discussion with Sher Bahadur Deubas (other SPA leaders) we received a phone call from them (Maoists). I said this (joint statement) is not possible. They said OK. They know why I said so. We should not pick at this anymore; what is in the forming will be spoilt. Q. CPN-UML General Secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal has been detained and shifted from house arrest to police custody. It is said, the government is attempting to bring a split in the SPA. What is your opinion? Koirala: Say the king, why do you say the government? I don’t accept that this is a government. The king has been trying (to cause a divide) from the beginning. He has been doing this. But the SPA won’t be deterred. We should move based on trust. They said many things to me about Sher Bahadur Deuba. That doesn't work; we have to trust. If you do not trust (me) and think that this cup of tea is poisoned, you will not drink it. If you walk around with such suspicion in mind, you cannot drink even water anywhere. Our society works on the basis of trust. Everyone makes a mistake once; once he confesses that he will not repeat it, we should believe him. It's not that we did not make mistakes; we have conceded our mistakes. Others too have conceded their mistakes. Therefore, we are not going to repeat those mistakes, nor will others. Q. What kind of mistakes do you think did the Nepali Congress make? Koirala: It’s after we formed the government. Democracy had just arrived. I also didn’t know what democracy was. I did not know how the parliamentary system works under a constitutional monarchy. I became the Prime Minister in an unexpected manner. I look at the secretaries, and they think new people are in the government. I doubt them and they doubt me. I thought an interaction might help. For that, I thought it would be better to begin from the top level. I called the king from my office; he said "ok." I went (to the palace) said to the King, “Your Majesty, I don’t know how both the constitutional monarchy and parliamentary system work together. Your Majesty has to point out when I make a mistake.” The King said, “I also don’t know how a constitutional monarchy and parliamentary system work out, you point out when I make a mistake.” Thus began the interaction at the top level. Confidence-building began from there. Based on that confidence, things started moving with the secretaries too. You make many mistakes even while running the house. But we keep on learning. BP Koirala used to say that one couldn't learn swimming without diving into the river. Mistakes do take place, but we move forward by correcting them. This forms the very basis of democracy. Q. They say the people do believe in the multi-party system but one reason why they haven't participated in the seven-party movement is because of the nepotism, favouritism and corruption by the Congress and other parties? Koirala: This question has now become old. Look at the king (King's rule)- isn't there nepotism and favouritism? Isn't there corruption? Nothing is in order, (but) who is saying anything? Q. Will the Congress do the same after forming the government again? Koirala: The Nepali Congress has made some mistakes. I won't say only the Congress; all (parties) have done. Maybe you too have kept your near and dear ones in your newspaper! Q. We haven't. Koirala: I know; everybody does that. That is a mistake. Once this is accepted, it is not repeated. All political parties have conceded this. Q. How was the role of the palace? Koirala: The former king knew something about statesmanship; the way he spoke and his behaviour were different. This king is very ambitious. I have told him- "Your Majesty's ambition is high, credibility is low. The ambition should be lowered and the credibility raised." The country is in such a situation because the king tried to make a fast jump. The economy has weakened to the extent that the Nepal Rastra Bank Governor has started saying that the revenue collected is not enough even to meet the general expenditure. Whether it was while appointing members to the National Assembly or forming the Armed Police Force (the king's role was not satisfactory). The king also hesitated to mobilise the army (against the Maoists); the army too didn't like it. All this became clearer after this king came. Actually I should have made it public from the Tudikhel that the army did not oblige when I wanted to mobilise it. But I didn't do so. This was a great mistake on my part, a blunder. Q. Talking about the international community, how have you taken China's State Councillor's visit? Koirala: There has been a change in China's (Nepal) policy. The earlier policy that this is Nepal's internal matter no more exists. I used to tell them (Chinese authorities) that you are our neighbours and cannot shy away by saying so. I had told them that a neighbour has to say something at such times, has to raise the issue of reconciliation. I told them about my personal opinion that this very constitution should be reactivated for national reconciliation. He (Chinese State Councillor) said the same thing. I even told him that it was BP (Koirala) who laid the foundations of China-Nepal friendship. Q. How do you see the American role? Koirala: What should I say about America's stance? I had told the Ambassador (Moriarty) that you are trying to give the king a safety valve. Q. You keep saying informally that we are about to fall in the global strategy. Won't you make it clear? Koirala: If you look at the international situation, there is polarisation taking place. Polarisation for international power balance. If that polarisation takes place successfully, the world will be balanced, if not there will be instability. If you talk about nature, Tsunami and earthquakes came for natural balance. A similar polarisation does take place in politics too. And if we are to become part of world politics while such a polarisation is taking place, it will dump us in chaos. I told this to the Americans and others. I have been telling them not to make us a part (of polarisation) and that we are a small country. Q. Do you mean that America is trying to use Nepal, situated between two powerful countries India and China? Koirala: I cannot say that. What I feel is Nepal will not exist should it become a part of that strategy. We should be careful about that; the king, too, should think about it. Q. The king is expected to announce the general elections on the occasion of the Nepali New Year 2063 BS. What will be your reaction? Koirala: For now, I can only put forward my personal opinion. (Such an announcement) will be a big accident. We have to boycott it. If we accept the elections, it will be like giving legitimacy to the king's rule. We will have to boycott (the general elections) the way we boycotted the municipal polls. What our party and the seven-party alliance say may be different; this is my personal thinking. Q. You always say "my party", "the seven parties". Aren't you under pressure from the polarisation within your own party? Koirala: Maybe a polarisation is taking place even among the journalists. This happens in the parties as well. It is natural in democracy. It happens in the seven parties too, but it's my job not to let it happen in the seven parties. So that the international community's support is not disturbed. This effort of mine will continue. People come to me and tell me different things; I don't go by them. Q. Some leaders within your own party are in favour of unity with the king, not with the Maoists, right? Koirala: I don't see any room for reconciliation with the king. At least talks are going on to bring the Maoists (to the mainstream). They at least declared a unilateral ceasefire for four months. I don't understand why everybody is taking the 12-point understanding in such a big manner. This is just a beginning. We should move ahead slowly. Q. Is that easy? The international community led by America pressured you not to move ahead, no? Koirala: It is difficult. I am not discouraged. I don't want to get stuck because someone made it difficult for me. I want to tread along my path. I won't be deviated. It's not that the problem will be solved if you minus the Maoists and hold talks with the king; lasting peace is possible only by bringing them (Maoists) to the mainstream. Q. What about your party's future leadership? Koirala: We should move ahead united. I cannot make somebody the leader. Such a difficult time is the right time to become a leader. But only this difficult situation will tell as to who emerges as the leader. Q. Many have pinned their hopes on you for the unity between the two Congress parties. What will you do? Koirala: I talked about the unification. I haven't said I won't do this. Sher Bahadur ji (Sher Bahadur Deuba) had come. What we considered was that both our parties have concluded their general conventions. Our job is to ease the difficulties. Lets move ahead completely united for the movement. Hearts will meet; unification will be easier for both.

Why do we want to finish monarchy ?

2006-04-02T22:35:00.000-07:00

Dear Nepali citizens and foreign lovers of Nepal, You might be wondering why Nepal is still poor when its countries of equal economic status has reached the sky with booming economic development. Let me try to answer this is one of the reason, I have recently found.

Nepal is one of the poorest countries of the world but Nepal's king is the highest paid king of the world.

The income of Nepali king Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev is :
2,426 times higher than that of Chinese president
318 times of Pakistani president
173 times higher than that of Russian president
57 times higher than higher than that of Indian president
301 times higher than that that of French president
15 times higher than that of British president
10 times higher than that of American president

Netherlands queen's income : Rs. 22,32,00,000 (per capita income Rs 17,25,120 )
American president earns Rs. 3,24,00,000 (1,15,20,000 returns in tax), (per capita income Rs 25,24,320)
Japanese king earns Rs. 22,23,52,000 (per capita income Rs.24,15,600)
Chinese president earns Rs. 1,35,000 (per capita income Rs 67,680)
Indian president earns Rs. 10,11,000 (per capita income Rs 34,560)
French president earns Rs 57,96,000 (per capita income Rs 15,84,000)
Pakistani president earns (after the coup) Rs 10,94,000 (per capita income 29,520)
British Queen does not get any salary from the state. She has a property of Rs 30,24,00,00,000 (the profit of investment, after paying the tax, is hers) but even her necklace is the property of the country.
British prime minister earns Rs 2,19,58,000 (per capita income is Rs 18,16,200)
Russian president earns Rs 19,03,000 (per capita income is Rs 1,54,000)
Belgium king receives salary as a civil servant (per capita income is Rs 16,74,000)
And,
Nepali king earns Rs 61,91,00,000 (per capita income is Rs 16,560=US$ 230)
[This means the Nepali king earns Rs. 19,878 times higher than a citizen. Last year it was 37,385 times higher. Thus a citizen can earn as much as the king earns in a year only after working for 19,000 years or in 316 lives. Ho la!]

Appendix
Nepali royal family is involved in various business.
A king does not have to pay tax according to Nepal's constitution.
The present king has inherited the property of earlier king's family and nobody knows how much it is.
This king has taken Rs 1,06,45,00,000 in past three years for his small family

Courtesy: Mulyankan Monthly (Nov-Dec 2005)
US dollar 1 = Rs 72
So we want to finish monarchy.

Article: THE ROYAL REGRESSION AND THE QUESTION OF DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC

2006-04-01T21:09:00.000-08:00

Baburam Bhattarai

In his famous work The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, Karl Marx had said: "Hegel observes somewhere that all great incidents and individuals of world history occur, as it were, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second as farce." It was while drawing a parallel between the coup of 1851 by Napoleon's nephew Louis Bonaparte, who had then crowned himself as Napoleon III, and the original Napoleonic coup of 1799. Of course, this was in a satirical sense.

Similar law of Hegelian dialectics seems to be in operation in the history of Nepal, too. While the father, King Mahendra, had staged a military coup on December 16, 1960 against the first parliamentary democracy established after 1950 to centralise all power in himself, now the son, King Gyanendra, has staged another military coup on February 1, 2005 against the second parliamentary democracy restored after 1990 and centralised all state power in himself. However, for the politically enlightened ones, it is not difficult to see beneath the surface that this episode of February 1 is merely a continuation or culmination of the episode of June 1, 2001, when the relatively more weak or liberal King Birendra, along with his entire family, was butchered and a new dynasty ushered in by Gyanendra. This way, the "First February" of the Nepalese history seems to be a carbon copy of the "Eighteenth Brumaire" of the French history; but it is yet to be seen whether it will be more 'tragic' or more 'farcical'.

The Essence of the Royal Regression

In his every public utterances after the coup, including the 'royal proclamation' of February 1, Gyanendra has laboured hard to sell the theory that his present move is designed to restore 'peace' and consolidate 'multi-party democracy' by exorcising the ghost of 'terrorism' [i.e. the ongoing revolutionary People's War led by the CPN(Maoist), and this is meant only for a definite time-frame of coming three years. While talking to a group of selected media persons on February 24, he has particularly taken pains to project himself as the real Messiah of 'democracy' and the exorcist of 'terrorism' and has demanded of the parliamentary political parties and the entire members of the international community to cooperate with him in this grand venture against 'terrorism'. Thus, he has sought to project himself as the true follower of the US President George W. Bush in the international crusade against 'terrorism' and begged everybody to grant legitimacy to his autocratic military regime at least on that count. Of course, he seems to have learnt a few lessons from General Musarraf of Pakistan.

However, Gyanendra's such political gimmicks are not cutting much ice among the masses, as he has a tainted image as the hardliner autocrat even within the palace since his father's and bother's days and is particularly hated among the public as the real fratricidal and regicidal culprit in the palace massacre of June 1, 2001. Particularly after his induction of the old palace stooges of known anti-democratic persuasions like Tulsi Giri and Kirti Nidhi Bista as his principal political associates and his abduction of all fundamental and democratic rights of the people with the contrywide declaration of emergency, the essential nature of his despotic military rule has been thoroughly unmasked. Despite his incessant parroting about his commitments towards 'multi-party democracy' and 'constitutional monarchy' , all his real practices so far including the crackdown on political parties and their leaders, free media and human rights activists and blatant trampling upon the limited democratic provisions of the old constitution, leave one in no doubt that the supine parliamentary democratic system has been snuffed out and the autocratic monarchy restored in the country.

Hence the questions arise: How could the limited bourgeois democratic system established after 1990 be abolished and the autocratic monarchy restored so smoothly? Should not the wheel of history move forward rather than backward? For the correct answers to these questions, one has to grasp the laws of social development in a scientific and objective manner and to correctly evaluate the weaknesses and limitations of the chronically infirm parliamentary system after 1990.

Firstly, it should be acknowledged that struggle between social classes provides the basic motive forces of societal development. The present Nepalese society in a semi-feudal and semi-colonial stage is a multi-class society, and the principal struggle there is among the feudal, the bourgeois and the proletarian classes. All the three principle contending classes have their allies, too. The traditionally dominant feudal class has the comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie with it; the small and weak bourgeois class has a section of the rural and urban petty-bourgeois class with it; and the proletariat has the vast number of poor peasants and semi-proletariat with it. This basically triangular class contention is increasingly turning into a bi-polar contention after the initiation and development of revolutionary People's War under the leadership of the proletariat since 1996. In other words, according to the law of class struggle and social development , the parasitic reactionary classes are polarised on one side under the leadership of the most capable and strong class among themselves, and on the other side are rallied the working and the progressive classes under the leadership of the most advanced class, the proletariat. As the monarchy representing the feudal and comprador and bureaucratic bourgeois classes is historically the strongest representative of the reactionary classes in Nepal, the parasitic classes most adversely affected by the revolutionary People's War have been increasingly rallying under the leadership of the monarchy. This is the rationale and essence of the current royal regression or the restoration of autocratic monarchy in the social class terms. The regressive march of the reactionary classes in opposition to the progressive march of the working classes is perfectly in keeping with the dialectical law of social development.

Secondly, viewing from a further political angle, it should be acknowledged that the inherent defects and weaknesses of the bourgeois parliamentary democracy established after 1990 and the general infirmity and incapacity of the middle strata and forces also provided an objective basis for the ultimate feudal autocratic regression. Historically, the major parliamentary political forces, viz. the Nepali Congress and later the revisionist UML, enjoy no independent class base of their own, and tend to represent a hodge-podge of class forces ranging from the feudals and comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie to the petty-bourgeoisie and constantly take vacillating and conciliatory political positions. Contrary to this, the monarchy traditionally draws its strength from the prevailing feudal property and cultural relations, and principally, from its monopoly hold over the Royal Nepal Army (RNA). To be more specific, the political change and the Constitution of 1990 did not properly settle the question of 'state sovereignty' traditionally claimed by the monarchy and left the final 'state authority' and strategic control over the RNA in the hands of the monarchy. This 'historical blunder' (to paraphrase Jyoti Basu from India!) paved the way for the monarchy to gradually gobble up the parliament and the Constitution and consummate the current royal regression. Moreover, the parliamentary forces during their twelve years long rule in between did nothing to bring about a progressive transformation in the traditionally feudal and increasingly comprador and bureaucratic capitalist socio-economic and cultural base of the society. In the later period, particularly along with the rapid development of the revolutionary People's War, their class and political base got further eroded. As a result, the upper strata of the society which had backed the parliamentary forces after the political change of 1990 gradually returned back to the fold of the monarchy and the lower and a section of the middle strata naturally got polarized around the revolutionary People's War. This dilemma of the reformist parliamentary forces has been summed up in Chairman Com. Prachanda's recent People's War Anniversary statement thus: "Ultimately, the so-called royal proclamation of February 1 has not only exposed the irrelevance of reformism in the Nepalese politics, but also shattered the collective lethargy of the parliamentary political forces."

Thirdly, from a military point of view, this action of total centralization of the old state authority in the absolute monarchy can been as an attempt of the moribund reactionary classes to wage a final battle with the revolutionary forces in the ever mounting class war in the country. In view of the recent declaration of the CPN (Maoist) to lead the nine-year old revolutionary People's War into the final and decisive stage of strategic offensive, it is not unnatural, though foolish, for the frightened reactionary classes to attempt to wage a final battle of life and death under the direct leadership of the monarchy, which has assumed supreme commandership of the RNA since its inception. In the recent past the pathetic showing of the RNA in almost every real battle with the People's Liberation Army (PLA) has been blamed by certain quarters on the contradictions of de jure political leadership of the parliamentary forces and de facto leadership of the monarchy over the RNA, Also, it is not hard to understand the super military ambitions of Gyanendra, who has grabbed the throne by butchering the entire family of his brother, Birendra, to project himself as the great savior of his tottering feudal and comprador-bureaucratic bourgeois class. Nevertheless, as any common student of military science would know, the victory or defeat of a particular army ultimately depends more on its social class base and the political goal rather than on the leadership prowess of its commander, and in that sense the ultimate defeat of the reactionary RNA should be a foregone conclusion and Gyanendra's dream would be mere chimera.

Role of the International Forces

In the present day world of imperialist globalization any internal political event has more international ramifications than ever before. Hence the February 1 royal regression has generated worldwide reactions, and all major world and regional powers and organizations, including the UN, the USA, the UK, the EU, India, China and others have issued public statements on the question. Surprisingly none of the major international players have supported Gyanendra's regressive steps so far. Not only that the major powers like the USA, the UK, the EU and India, which have been the principal props for the reactionary regimes in Nepal in the past, have publicly opposed the current developments, and others like China, Russia, Pakistan, Bangladesh etc. have commented upon the events as 'internal affairs of Nepal'. The most significant international development has been the suspension of military aid by India and the UK (the USA also appears to be toeing the same line) and suspension of 'development aid' by a number of EU countries. International human rights organisations such as the Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, etc., have publicly denounced the royal regime for its rampant violations of human and democratic rights of the people. Thus the autocratic royal regime has been totally isolated from the international community so far, which is a good omen for the democratic movement.

However, the despotic regime is desperately seeking to exploit two issues to gain international support for itself. The first is the 'anti-terrorism' card, and the second, the 'geo-political' card. The hackneyed 'anti-terrorism' card, much exploited after September Eleven by all and sundry petty dictators and reactionary regimes of the world, has already lost much of its original steam and is yet to be seen how it will fare in Gyanendra's case. But one can be fairly certain that the enlightened world public opinion won't be easily hoodwinked by the 'anti-terrorism' claims of a person of Gyanendra's ilk, whose hands are blood-stained in the infamous palace massacre and who has now launched a countryside reign of military terror against the people by suspending all political and fundamental rights. Nevertheless, as all the values and norms in a class-divided society are governed by class interests, it won't be surprising if some of the reactionary rulers of the world would ultimately back the regressive royal regime, overtly or covertly.

As far as the 'geo-political' card of the country's strategic positioning between the two super-states of China and India is concerned, Gyanendra's attempts to repeat the skillful diplomatic maneuvering of playing one neighbour against the other as practiced by his father, Mahendra, in the specific cold-war context of the last century cannot be expected to bear much fruit in the changed situation of international balance of forces in general and the India-China relations in particular. The recent coming together of the USA and India and their coordinated policy against royal regression may tempt Gyanendra to play the China card. He has given enough hints of this by appointing the old royalist Kirti Nidhi Bista with a known pro-China tilt as one of his principle associates in the government. Similarly, Pakistan and Bangladesh, with traditional contradictions with India, may provide some breathing space for the royal regime; some indications of which have already come from the Pakistani ambassador in Kathmandu. However, given the extremely shaky position and uncertain future of Gyanendra himself, it is hard to believe that any of the neighbours will go beyond diplomatic niceties to extend him any substantial material help. Similarly, on the part of the proletarian revolutionaries they should be prudent enough to practice strategic firmness and tactical flexibility in the matters of diplomatic relations particularly with the immediate neighbours.

Another noteworthy factor in recent days is the indication of some positive change in the attitude of major international and regional powers towards the revolutionary forces in Nepal. Due to their own distorted class outlook and interests, these major powers in the past used to regard the monarchy and the parliamentary forces as the so-called 'two pillars of stability', and they were seen working hard to bring about a grand alliance between the two against the revolutionary democratic forces. Now they seem to be increasingly veering round a 'three pillar' theory, including the revolutionary forces; which is, of course, a step forward. But the historical necessity and the new objective reality of the country is that the new 'two pillars' of parliamentary and revolutionary democratic forces join hands to uproot the outdated and rotten third 'pillar' of monarchy. The CPN(Maoist) has already made a policy decision to this effect, which is reflected in the recent Anniversary statement issued by Chairman Com. Prachanda.

The Question of Democratic Republic

After the royal regression of February 1, there are seen some important developments in the internal political situation. Whereas earlier the national politics was divided into three streams of monarchy, parliamentary democracy and revolutionary people's democracy, now it is gradually getting polarized into two broad streams of monarchy and democracy. Particularly, the leaders, cadres and supporters of parliamentary democracy have now seen through the anti-democracy maneuvering and divide-and-rule policy of the monarchy in the past and their collective ire against the monarchy has sharpened more than ever before. Though there are sponsored public rallies and statements in favour of the autocratic monarchy on a daily basis, none of the known political parties or their leaders have openly endorsed the royal move so far. While the royal regime has laboured hard to propagate that the harsh autocratic measures are directed only against the 'terrorists' (i.e. Maoist revolutionaries), the people have increasingly realized that they are against all the democratic forces. Similarly, almost all the members of 'civil society', media persons, human rights organizations, professional organizations, etc. have openly come out against the royal coup. This is obviously a good sign for the future of democracy in the country.

However, it is a matter of serious concern that even after more than a mouth since the coup the democratic forces have not been able to come up with an effective & coordinated plan, programme or mechanism of resistance against the autocratic monarchy. The CPN (Maoist) attempted to provide initial tempo to the resistance movement by organizing a three-day 'Napal Bandh' (shut-down) and a fifteen-day transportation blockade in February, and is planning further mass-mobilization and military-action programmes in coming months. The parliamentary forces did organize some propaganda activities from India and symbolic public rallies within the country, and are planning peaceful mass-arrest programmes for the future. But the desired sharp attacks against the monarchy in a unified manner, firstly, amongst the parliamentary forces and, secondly, between the parliamentary and revolutionary democratic forces, has not materialized so far. Whereas the Nepali Congress has come out more sharply against the monarchy, the so-called 'leftist' UML has made a relatively muted response against the royal coup. This has naturally raised some apprehensions among the masses whether a new 'Rayamajhi' trend (i.e. the capitulation of the then general secretary of the CPN, Keshar Jang Rayamajhi, to the monarchy in the 1960s) is in the offing. However, after so much blood-bath the situation has undergone a sea change since then. Hence, even if a few Rayamajhis from the left camp and a few Tulsi Giris from the Nepali Congress camp may arise, the overwhelming majorities of the leaders & cadres of the political parties and the general masses of the people are likely to fight till the end against the autocratic monarchy. Moreover, with the presence of the revolutionary PLA to take on the monarchist RNA, and the more favourable international situation than ever to fight against the absolute monarchy, a new objective ground is prepared for the democratic political forces to mount a unified assault against the monarchy so as to sweep it away for ever.

Precisely in this context the question of anti-monarchy common minimum programme and slogan acceptable to all the democratic forces, including the parliamentary and revolutionary democratic forces and the international community, has become pertinent. It has been the considered view of the CPN(Maoist) that the programme of election to a representative Constituent Assembly and institutionalization of the democratic republic is best suited for the purpose. The old slogan of restoration of the parliament or re-activization and amendment of 1990 Constitution, advanced by the parliamentary forces and the international community, has been totally outdated and inadequate in the new context. A brief recapitulation of the incessant struggle between the monarchy and democracy since the 1950s in the country should leave no one in doubt that without the complete abolition of the archaic institution of feudal monarchy and its puppet RNA no form of democracy can be secure and institutional in Nepal. It has been proved time and again that the so-called 'constitutional monarchy' seen in operation in some of the highly developed capitalist countries cannot be replicated in a semi-feudal & semi-colonial society. Hence any attempt on the part of the parliamentary political parties and the international forces to preserve the thoroughly rotten and discredited institution of monarchy, in this or that pretext, does not correspond with the historical necessity and ground reality of balance of forces in the country, and the agenda of 'democratic republic' has entered the Nepalese politics.

As for as the sincere commitment of the revolutionary democratic forces, who aspire to reach socialism and communism via a new democratic republic, towards a bourgeois democratic republic is concerned, the CPN(Maoist) has time and again clarified its principled position towards the historical necessity of passing through a sub-stage of democratic republic in the specificities of Nepal. Particularly, in "An Executive Summary of the Proposal Put Forward by CPN(Maoist) for the Negotiations" presented during the negotiations in April 2003 [See, Some Important Documents of Communist Party of Nepal(Maoist), 2004] the minimum content and the process of realization of this democratic republic through a Constituent Assembly has been expressed in concrete terms. The fact that the democratic republic is envisaged to be institutionalized through a freely elected Constituent Assembly, should cast away any illusions about the democratic credentials of the revolutionary forces. Further concrete issues like the creation of a new national army after the dissolution of the royal mercenary RNA can be discussed during the process of negotiations.

The need of the hour is unity of all democratic forces of the country on the common minimum programme of a democratic republic. If anything is lacking so far it is the real democratic vision and will power on the part of the leadership of major political parties. Also, it is the time to win confidence of the masses of the people through a correct projection of the democratic credentials of political parties, and for this the correct practice of inner-party democracy would be a significant component.

In the end, it may be useful to recollect Engels to understand why a proletarian party needs to uphold the programme of a bourgeois republic in the particular historical specificities of a country like present-day Nepal. Lambasting the Bukuninist anarchists who had opposed the immediate programme of a republic in nineteenth-century Spain, Engels had said:

"When the Republic was proclaimed in February 1873, the Spanish members of the Alliance [i.e. Bakuninist 'International'] found themselves in a quandary. Spain is such a backward country industrially that there can be no question there of immediate complete emancipation of the working class. Spain will first have to pass through various preliminary stages of development and remove quite a number of obstacles from its path. The Republic offered a chance of going through these stages in the shortest possible time and quickly surmounting the obstacles. But this chance be taken only if the Spanish working class played an active political role." [From "The Bakuninists at Work"]

In History: Theses Days of Rolpa

2006-03-31T19:56:00.000-08:00

From The Worker

R0lpa, Rukum & Jayarkot districts in Western Nepal have had the highest number of casualties and faced the worst type of state repression during the first one year of the people's war. Even among these Mirul village in the lap of the mighty Jaljala mountains in Rolpa district has borne the brunt of severest genocidal campaign by the reactionary state, where more than a dozen revolutionary activists and peasants have been brutally murdered by the police and their hirelings.

The worst instance of state terrorism and genocide so far was witnessed in this red bastion inhabited by poor peasants of oppressed nationalities of Kham Magar stock on November 17, 1996. On that day armed police forces and state protected goons from the surrounding areas descended on Mirul, ransacked the peasant households and took into custody almost all the unarmed adult population from two wards of Rapa and Bisauni in the Mirul VDC. While the rest were released subsequently after thorough screening and dire warnings, five of them were taken to a nearby jungle and shot dead. Those brutally murdered were 70 year old Bardan Roka, 65 year old Singha Budha and Bal Prasad Roka, Dilman Roka and Kumari Budha. The young woman revolutionary Kumari Budha was still alive when her body was set on fire.

On December 3, Sunsara Budha along with her 2 year old daughter was captured, stripped naked, paraded through villages and shot dead In front of her infant child by the armed state goons.

Similar instances of state terrorism and brutality have recurred regularly in Mirul with a view to shatter the revolutionary will-power of the masses into submission. However, the terror tactics has boomeranged on the reactionaries. Not only have the peasant masses boldly resisted this repression, they have retaliated by eliminating the enemy agents in the village and virtually seized the local power In their own hands. Mirul has thus shown the way for the liberation of the oppressed masses in the country.

Article: A glimpse into the history of International Women�s Day

2006-03-31T18:52:00.001-08:00

By Nallamma
International Women�s Day (IWD) is the story of ordinary women as makers of history; it is rooted in the centuries-old struggle of women to participate in society on an equal footing with men. The idea of having an international women�s day was first put forward at the turn of the 20th century amid rapid world industrialization and capitalist economic expansion that led to protests over working conditions.
IWD is a time to reflect on progress made, to call for change and to celebrate acts of courage and determination by ordinary women who have played an extraordinary role in the history of women�s rights.
IWD, March 8, is a holiday celebrated by the oppressed around the world. It is a holiday that came out of the struggle of women. In particular, the struggle of immigrant garment workers in New York�s Lower East Side provided the inspiration for the demand that there be a special day to celebrate the struggle of women.
Women Workers� pioneering struggles in US
Around the turn of the century thousands of women worked in the garment district in New York. Most of these women were immigrants from Russia, Italy and Poland. They worked up to 15 hours a day and were paid by rate per piece. They were charged for needles, thread, electricity, and even the crude boxes they had to sit on because there were no chairs. They were issued harsh fines�for being late, for damaged work, for taking too much time in the toilet. Children also worked for long hours, huddled in the corners of the shops, snipping threads from finished garments. One garment worker recalled, �We wore cheap clothes, lived in cheap tenements, ate cheap food. There was nothing to look forward to, nothing to expect the next day to be better.��
The labour struggle in the US traditionally concentrated on men. A little examination shows that women carried their weight and their share from the beginning, both supporting the men�s organizing and quite soon, after realizing that women�s needs were ignored in the existing unions, forming women�s caucuses or all women�s unions. The first all women strikes took place in the 1820�s in the New England tailoring trades.
The most famous of the early strikes took place at the Lowell cotton mills in Massachusetts. Here young women worked eighty-one hours a week for three dollars, one and a quarter of which went for room and board at the Lowell company boarding houses. The factories originally opened at 7 AM, but for men, noticing that women were less �energetic� if they ate before working, changed the opening hour to 5 AM, with a breakfast break at 7 AM,. (for one-half hour). In 1834, after several wage cuts, the Lowell women walked out, only to return several days later at the reduced rates. They were courageous but the company had the power; a poor record or a disciplinary action could lead to blacklisting. In 1836 they walked out again, singing through the streets of the town:
Oh, isn�t it a pity such a pretty girl as I
Should be sent to the factory to pine away and die.
Again they returned to work within a few days. In l844 serious organizing led to the Lowell Female Labor Reform Association. Their prime demand was the ten hour a day. The leadership and activity of this union is credited with initiating some of the earliest reforms in the conditions of the textile industries.
In the period of intense labor activity following the Civil War, when widowhood and general hard times forced thousands of women into the labor force, thus causing panic and hostility on the part of men, women found themselves excluded from most of the national trade unions. So they formed their own, including the Daughters of St. Crispin, a union of women shoemakers. During this era unions were formed by woman cigarmakers, umbrella sewers, and printers, aswell as tailoresses and laundresses.
Women from clothing and textile factories staged a protest on March 8, 1857 in New York City. The garment workers marched and picketed, demanding improved working conditions, ten hour a a day, and equal rights for women. They were protesting what they saw as very poor working conditions and low wages. The protesters were attacked. Their ranks were broken up and dispersed by the police. These women established their first labor union in the same month two years later. More protests followed on March 8 in subsequent years.
Fiftyone years later, on March 8, 1908, their sisters in the needle trades in New York marched again, honuoring the 1857 march, demanding the vote, and an end to sweatshops and child labor. The police were present on this occasion too.
In 1908 women began to stage walkouts and strikes at various sewing factories. In 1908, 15,000 women marched through New York City demanding shorter workinghours, better pay and voting rights. Sometimes the company would settle a strike by meeting some of the demands of the male strikers but included clauses in the settlement that said �no part of this agreement shall refer to or apply to females.�� In spite of many arrests and heavy fines, brutal beatings by police and hired thugs, the women, many of them teenagers, continued the walkouts. Middle and upper class women inspired by the strikers came out to the pickets to give their support and they too were arrested. And when newspapers covered these unusual arrests, the public began to find out about the brutal conditions and slave wages of the women strikers.
The clothing workers formed some of the most famous unions in U.S. history, notably the International Ladies Garment Workers Union, founded around 1900. The garment trade shops in the big cities, such as New York, were deplorable. Fire hazards were rife, light was scant, the sound of machinery deafening, the environment polluted. Women were fined virtually for anything - talking, laughing, singing, machine oil stains on the fabric, stitches too large or too small. Overtime was constant and required, but no special pays for overtime work. With the support of the National Women�s Trade Union League, founded in 1903 - a combination of working women and middle-class, often professional women who supported the working women�s struggle - the shirtwaist makers launched a series of strikes against Leiserson and Company and Triangle Waist Company, two of the most notorious shops in New York.
After months of small shop actions, the women decided to escalate the struggle by calling for a tradewide general strike. And in defiance of the heads of the union, on November 22, 1909, the �Uprising of the Twenty Thousand�� began. It culminated in the first long-term general strike by women, putting to death the tiresome arguments that they were unable to organize and carry out a long and strenous struggle.
One garment worker from the Triangle Shirtwaist Company described the event: �Thousands upon thousands left the factories from everyside, all of them walking down toward Union Square. It was November, the cold winter was just around the corner, we had no fur coats to keep us warm, and yet there was the spirit that led us on and on until we got some hall to keep us warm and out of the coldwind for at least the time being. I can see the young people, mostly women, walking down and not caring what might happen. The spirit, I think, the spirit of a conqueror led them on. They didn�t know what was in store for them, didn�t really think of the hunger, cold, loneliness, and what could happen to them. They just didn�t care on that particular day; that was THEIR day.��
For thirteen weeks in the bitter cold winter, women between 16 and 25 years of age picketed daily, and were clubbed by police and carried off in �Black Maria� police vans. The courts were biased in favour of the sweatshop owners; one magistrate charged a striker, �You are on strike against God and Nature, whose prime law is that man shall earn his bread in the sweat of his brow. You are on strike against God.� This elicited a cablegram from George Bernard Shaw, who with other Europeans was following the course of U.S. labour history. He wrote: �Delightful. Medieval America always in intimate personal confidence of the Almighty.�
The Women�s Trade Union League provided bail money for arrested strikers and large sums for strike funds.
The strike was ultimately broken, as settlements were made shop by shop, but the talent and endurance of the women made it impossible for people to go on claiming that labour organizing was for men only. The strike lasted for months and ignited strikes in other areas. Though the strike itself was only partially successful in terms of changing work conditions, the �uprising� did change some important things. It challenged the image of what uneducated immigrant women could do, and it filled the East Side and many women and immigrants and oppressed people more broadly with pride and a sense of strength.
One year after the strike was broken the infamous Triangle fire occurred on 25th March 1911. Trapping women on the upper floors (the fire doors had been bolted from the outside to prevent escape by the workers) the fire took l46 lives, most of the women between the ages of 13 and 25, most of them recent emigrants to the U.S. Most of them were Italian and Jewish immigrants. A lack of safety measures was blamed for the high death toll. This event had a significant impact on labour legislation in the United States, and the working conditions leading up to the disaster were invoked during subsequent observances of International Women�s Day.
The employers were tried; one was fined $20. A settlement was made to the families of the dead women for $75 per death. Rose Schneiderman, a Garment Workers organizer, berated the community for supporting the law and institutions that made such tragedies possible. �I know from my own experience that it is up to the working people to save themselves,� she proclaimed. �The only way they can save themselves is by a strong working-class movement.�
The story of American working women is often tokenly recognized by referring to great heroines of the movement Mother Jones, Ella Reeve Bloor, Kate Mullaney, Sojurner Truth, and Elizabeth Gurley Flynn. These were remarkable women and so were their stories. But it should not be forgotten that these were individual women, and that the bulk of the organizing, struggling, as well as succeeding and failing, was done by ordinary women whom we will never know. These were women who realized the tactical necessity of standing and working together lest they be destroyed individually, women who put to shame the ridiculous theories of �woman�s place�,� women who in the famous Lawrence textile strike carried picket signs reading �We want Bread and Roses, too�, symbolizing their demands for not only a living wage but a decent and human life, and so inspired James Oppenheim�s song �Bread and Roses�
Beginning of Women�s Day in US
The official holiday had its modest beginnings in 1908. That year in the U.S., the Socialist Party appointed a Women�s National Committee to Campaign for the Suffrage. After the meeting, this Committee recommended that the Socialist Party set aside a day every year to campaign to women�s right to vote, a big step for socialists and welcomed by women working for suffrage.
The First Women�s Day was observed across the United States on 28 February in 1909 and large demonstrations took place calling for the vote and the political and economic rights of women. (in those days only men had the right to vote). In 1909, two thousand women attended a Women�s Day rally in Manhattan. Women continued to celebrate it on the last Sunday of that month through 1913.
In 1910 Women�s Day was taken up by socialists and feminists throughout the US. In May 1910, at the national Congress of the Socialist Party, the Women�s National Commission recommended that the Last Sunday in February be recognized as International Women�s Day. Later that year delegates went to the second International Conference of Socialist Women in Copenhagen with the intention of proposing that Women�s Day become an international event.
Declaration of IWD and early celebrations of the event
Inspired by the actions of US women workers and their socialist sisters, Clara Zetkin, the legendary German Communist leader and an international figure had already framed a proposal to put to the Second International Conference of Working Women that women throughout the world should focus on a particular day each year to press for their demands. The conference meeting in Copenhagen in 1910 established a Women�s Day, international in character, to honour the movement for women�s rights and to assist in achieving universal suffrage for women. It would commemorate the US demonstrations and honour working women the world over. Among other relevant historic events, it commemorates the Triangle Factory Fire (New York, 1911), were over 146 women lost their lives. From the beginning, IWD has been linked with the communist revolution. International Women�s Day was the fruit of the efforts of women in the Second International. Zetkin and others emphasized the international scope of their vision, calling on �the Socialist women of all countries [to] hold each year a Women�s Day,� and declaring that �The Women�s Day must have an international character.� The conference decided that every year, in every country, they should celebrate on the same day a �Women�s Day� under the slogan �The vote for women will unite our strength in the struggle for socialism�. It was decided to have a Woman�s Day in every country as a form of struggle in getting working women to vote. This day was to be a day of international solidarity in the fight for common objectives and a day for reviewing the organized strength of working women under the banner of socialism.
Over 100 women from 17 countries, representing unions, socialist parties, working women�s clubs, and including the first three women elected to the Finnish parliament, greeted Zetkin�s suggestion with unanimous approval and International Women�s Day was the result. (It was again passed unanimously a few days later in the general International Socialist Congress.Com V.I. Lenin, the great leader of the Bolshevik Party and the Russian Revolution, was among those who voted at this conference to establish this tradition). Since then it has been celebrated worldwide by class conscious workers and those fighting for the liberation of women and the emancipation of all humanity.
That conference also reasserted the importance of women�s right to vote, dissociated itself from voting systems based on property rights and called for universal suffrage - the right to vote for all adult women and men. The voice of dissent on this decision came from the English group led by Mrs. Despard of the Women�s Freedom League, a group actively engaged in the suffragette movement.
No fixed date was selected for the observance of IWD in the conference. Consequently, until 1913, IWD was celebrated on different days throughout the world. In the U.S., IWD continued to be celebrated in February. Internationally, the day provided an opportunity to highlight the movements for woman suffrage and peace.
IWD was marked for the first time on 19 March, 1911 in Austria, Denmark, Germany, Switzerland and other European countries, where more than one million women and men attended rallies. Socialists held strikes and marches on the same day. In addition to the right to vote and to hold public office, they demanded the right to work, to vocational training and to an end to gender discrimination on jobs.
Clara Zetkin organized the first IWD on March 19 in 1911 in Germany. A million leaflets calling for action on the right to vote were distributed throughout Germany before IWD in 1911.
In 1913 International Women�s Day was transferred to the 8th of March. This day has remained the working women�s day of militancy�.
The Bolshevik Pravda and the Menshevik Looch � carried articles about the IWD. They carried special articles, portraits of some of those taking part in the working women�s movement and greetings from comrades such as Bebel and Zetkin.
In those bleak years meetings were forbidden. But in Petrograd, at the Kalashaikovsky Exchange, those women workers who belonged to the Party organized a public forum on �The Woman Question.� Delegate fee was five kopecks. This was an illegal meeting but the hall was totally packed. Members of the Party spoke. But this animated �closed� meeting had hardly finished when the police, alarmed at such proceedings, intervened and arrested many of the speakers.
In 1914, �Women Workers Day� in Russia was better organized. Both the workers� newspapers concerned themselves with the celebration. Because of police intervention, they didn�t manage to organize a demonstration. Those involved in the planning of �Women Workers Day� found themselves in the Tsarist prisons, and many were later sent to the cold north. For the slogan �for the working women�s vote� had naturally become in Russia an open call for the overthrow of Tsarist autocracy�.
As the nascent annual event developed, it took on the cause of peace as well as women�s rights. Furthermore, on the eve of World War I, women across Europe held peace rallies on March 8, 1913. Elsewhere in Europe, on or around 8 March of the following year, women held rallies either to protest against the war or to express solidarity with their sisters. In 1915, Zetkin organized a demonstration in Bern, Switzerland, to urge the end of World War I. Women on both sides of the war turned out.
Organizing IWD and women proletariat in Russia
More and more articles on the work that needed to be done among women and on specific women�s problems began to be published in the party press. Then, under pressure from Com Lenin, a special journal for working class women was created: �The Woman Worker� (Rabotnitsa). The members of the first editorial board were arrested by the repressive Tsarist police, but nonetheless the first issue of the paper was published in 1914. In the same year the Bolshevik Central Committee decided to create a special committee to organise the meetings for IWD. Meetings were held in the factories and public places to discuss issues concerning women�s oppression, and to elect representatives from those who had participated in the discussions and proposals, to work on the new committee.
The propaganda work of the paper �Rabotnitsa� was now becoming ever more central to the work of the Bolsheviks. On its editorial board were such stalwarts of women�s liberation as comrades Krupskaya, Innessa Armand, Stahl, Kollontai, Eliazarova, Kudelli, Samoilova, and Nikolayeva and other female workers of St Petersburg. These women were totally dedicated to the revolutionary cause, they organised meetings, called aggregates and generally focused the work, developing the revolution. Each factory had its own representatives on the editorial board of �Rabotnitsa� and there were weekly meetings, where all would participate and review the reports received from the different areas. The paper was also used as an instrument to raise the level of understanding in both trade union and political structures, which were still lagging behind the consciousness of the masses, towards a better understanding of the role of women workers. In March 1917 the Bolsheviks created a bureau to promote revolutionary work among women workers. The party called for a Congress for all women workers, to discuss the best way to involve and organise women in the revolutionary struggles then taking place. In this period Lenin wrote many articles on the need to find new strategies and specific organisational models to attract women workers to socialism.
Demonstrations marking IWD in Russia proved to be the first stage of the Russian Revolution. With 2 million Russian soldiers dead in the war, Russian women again chose the last Sunday in February to strike for �bread and peace�. This was led by women in St. Petersburg. The government attempted to stop the demonstrations called to celebrate International Women�s Day. This provoked clashes with workers, especially in the Putilov factory in St Petersburg, which ended in a mass mobilisation of workers. The women came out onto the streets and spoke to the soldiers, who then refused to open fire against the demonstrators, turning their bayonets against the Tsarist monarchy. During 1917 the general consensus of opposition to the imperialist war increased, strengthening the Bolsheviks, who had been courageously denouncing the imperialist war since 1914. Coming on the rise of long struggle and many strikes, IWD 1917 inspired thousands of Russian women to leave their homes and factories to protest the terrible shortages of food, the high prices, the world war, and the increased suffering they had bitterly endured. The protest inspired the last push of a revolution. A general strike spread through Petrograd. The IWD strike merged with riots that had spread through the city between March 8-12. The rest is history. The February Revolution, as it became known, forced the Czar Nicholas II to abdicate four days later and the provisional Government granted women the right to vote. That historic Sunday fell on 23 February on the Julian calendar then in use in Russia, but on 8 March on the Gregorian calendar in use elsewhere. (Russia switched from the Julian to the Gregorian calendar in 1918, which moved the dates of the February revolution [Feb. 24�28, old style] to March.)
Following the October Revolution, the IWD was made into an official holiday, and during the Soviet period it continued to celebrate �the heroic woman worker�.
Chinese women began celebrating IWD in l924, paralleling a strong women�s movement in the Chinese Communist party. After the revolution, China made IWD an official holiday, as in the USSR

My Dear jajajala

2006-03-30T21:31:00.001-08:00

My dear Jaljala who give born People's war in Nepal.

Comrade Mao with PLA China

2006-03-30T21:31:00.000-08:00

PLA marches through provincial city centre

2006-03-28T19:23:00.000-08:00

Special correspondent
Nepaljung, 29 March.
Nepal’s People’s Liberation Army Nepal staged a march through the city centre of Gularia, the district headquarters of Bardiya in western Nepal 21 March. Gularia is a medium-sized city, by Nepali standards, situated around 50 kilometres west of Nepalgunj, the Nepali city that serves as India’s business gateway to western Nepal. Gularia itself is less than five kilometres from the Indo-Nepal boarder. The Indian state has already set up its armed forces across the border areas to control the Maoist revolutionaries.

This is the first time that the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has carried out this kind of action, a full-force, deliberately staged march through the city by a PLA “Urban Team” beginning at 10:30 in the morning, local time, and not the kind of brief and incidental crossing of an urban area that has sporadically occurred before in the course of a battle with the enemy ever since the People’s War was initiated in 1996. It caused widespread surprise in Nepal, although the news was blacked out by the reactionary state propaganda machinery and other bourgeois media.

The 21 March Janadesh quoted a PLA source who called it a dress rehearsal for armed insurrection to capture the city centres. The spokesperson also said that it was a last warning to the royal state. Janadesh reported that a great new enthusiasm erupted among the city dwellers after the PLA completed its passage through the city.

There are army barracks and police centres in Gularia. The royal regime’s security forces attempted to disrupt the march, resulting in the death of three policemen. After PLA soldiers detonated a land mine, the Royal Nepalese Army was confined within the barracks. The PLA march proceeded through town as per plan. Although an RNA helicopter attacked the march, there were no PLA casualties. It is not known yet whether the helicopter came from Nepalgunj or another regional or district headquarters.

In a separate action, the People’s Revolutionary Government confiscated a vehicle of the old state centred in the Rolpa district headquarters. The Revolutionary Government, like the PLA, is led by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist).

In other news, King Gyanendra Shah has left Kathmandu, and has been living in Pokhara tightly encircled by his Royal Army. While he temporarily returned to the capital a few days ago to speak with a visiting Chinese representative, he arrived at the Royal Palace in a helicopter after the sky had been cleared of all aircraft for 22 minutes. This contrasted with his attempts to portray his situation as one of unconcern when almost four months ago, during the unilateral ceasefire implemented by the CPN (Maoist), Gyanendra had invited the media to cover him as he took a day-long walk in Lalitpur, in the capital Kathmandu. Gyanendra has been worried about Kathmandu residents since they pelted his hooligan son, Paras Shah, with stones in the Baneshwor district, halfway between the airport and the Royal Palace, as the son was going to welcome home Gyanendra from a month-long trip abroad.

A tug at rotten teeth: the reactionary state of Nepal

2006-03-28T19:14:00.000-08:00

Special correspondent
Rolpa, 29 March

Nepal has witnessed dramatic twists and turns in recent days in the struggle against the feudal state. At one point, the 12-point memorandum of understanding reached between Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and the bulk of the parliamentary parties (the Seven Party Alliance – SPA) was on the verge of collapse. Now, in a last-minute agreement between the parliamentarians and the revolutionaries, both have reaffirmed the 12-point memo, which states that the autocratic feudal monarchy is the main obstacle to progress in the country today and the common target of attack. The SPA has called for a general strike 3-6 April. The Maoists have announced their full support for it.

The 12-point agreement between the CPN(Maoist) and the SPA was achieved earlier this year despite enormous pressure from the US and other imperialist powers to give up the struggle to abolish the monarchy. Subsequently, when the parliamentarian parties failed to come up with effective programmes for struggle, the Maoists had announced a 20-day blockade of the capital and other headquarter cities of the reactionary state, followed by an indefinite political strike starting 3 April. The blockade began 14 March, crippling normal life in Kathmandu. Then, when the parliamentarian parties agreed to lead a four-day general strike to drive out the feudal monarchy, the CPN(Maoist) called off the blockade and withdrew its own call for an unlimited general strike.

The CPN(Maoist)’s slogans for the general strike it called were: “Abolish the feudal and comprador monarchy! Establish a multiparty democratic republic! Block the illegitimate royal power! Organize parallel democratic government! Dissolve the feudal mercenary royal army! Build up a new democratic national army! Conduct a free and fair election for a constituent assembly! Restructure the state as to ensure class, nationality, regional and gender liberation! Implement the Maoist-Parliamentarian 12-point understanding! Create a countrywide storm of united movement!” The police and Royal Army became extremely demoralized and terrified. On several occasions, they fired on demonstrators in the Kathmandu Valley.

In the face of the attacks and provocations of the diehard feudal elements and their imperialist masters, the parliamentary leaders have always been unable to counter them politically and organisationally. Their vacillation, confusion and dependence on their imperialist masters has prevented them from coming up with a strong programme for struggle to flush down the Nepal monarchy. These parliamentarian parties have failed time and again to lead the masses in a manner meeting their historical needs. Various mass organizations such as student, peasant, women and worker groups and middle-class forces sympathetic to them are demanding a radical change in Nepalese society and chanting slogans such as “Down with monarchy! Hail the democratic republic of Nepal!” While the Maoists have been fighting for a People’s Republic and have come to an immediate agenda of a democratic republic, the parliamentarians have been urged to unite with the Maoists around common slogans and a single programme.

The US, along with Britain, Japan and India, has been staunchly supporting Gyanendra and pressuring the parliamentarian parties to surrender to him. Among recent examples of intense imperialist interference against the Nepalese revolution are the constant pressure of the American ambassador in Kathmandu, his interview with the BBC where he criticized the parliamentary parties for failing to unite with the king, the visit of American Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South Asia Donald Camp to Kathmandu and the remarks of President Bush while in India, and the recent visit of the British parliamentary members to Nepal, where they urged the parliamentarians to return to the king’s embrace.

Because of the stakes in this fight between imperialism represented by the king and the Nepalese people represented by the proletarian party, the Maoists seek to win over the parliamentarian parties, who have been struggling against the king for their interests and in their own way. The imperialists may calculate that if the parliamentarian parties are made to surrender to the king, that would open up the way to invade Nepal. The CPN(M)believes that if the parliamentary parties take a stand in favour of the people, the centuries-old feudal monarchy in Nepal can be wiped out.

The diehard feudal autocrats and the imperialist forces have seen the 12-point agenda as a harness in the Maoists’ hands and have been doing everything in their power to avert this alliance. From US Ambassador Moriarty to King Gyanendra’s loyal ministers Kamal Thapa and Kitinidhi Bistha, they have repeatedly and provocatively declared that in accepting the 12-point agreement the parliamentarians have fallen into the hands of the Maoists.

The following point from the first agreement is reiterated in the new, second agreement: “The seven agitating parties are fully committed to the fact that only by establishing absolute democracy through the restoration of the Parliament with the force of agitation, forming an all-party government with complete authority, holding elections to a constituent assembly through dialogue and understanding with the Maoists, can the existing conflict in the country be resolved and sovereignty and state power completely transferred to the people. It is the view and commitment of the CPN (Maoist) that the above mentioned goal can be achieved by holding a national political conference of the agitating democratic forces, and through its decision, forming an interim government to hold constituent assembly elections. An understanding has been reached between the agitating seven parties and the CPN (Maoist) to continue dialogue on this procedural work-list and find a common understanding. It has been agreed that the force of the people’s movement is the only alternative to achieve this.”

That means that the seven parties have not yet made the required break with their political vacillation, confusion and hopes that Gyanendra Shah will hand over power without having to be violently overthrown. Still the agreement has tremendous importance because it has achieved a political victory in forging a united front against the reactionaries.

CPN(M)Chairman Prachanda said in a recent interview in the Maoist weekly Janadesh, “Through the successful leadership of ten years of people’s war, the role of a responsible political party to free the entire country from the feudal autocracy forever has fallen on our shoulders. It is our responsibility to play this role in a real sense. From this point of view, our party with utmost sincerity, confidence and flexibility, has been accentuating to unite all those who can be united against the feudal autocracy.”

The Maoist-led revolutionary People’s War that has been shaking the old Nepalese state for a decade is approaching a climax, the uprooting of the reactionary state. Now Nepalese society in many ways is feeling combined pangs of pain and pleasure, just as children feel when their rotten teeth are pulled out to the root in order to make room for a new tooth. Obviously, it is painful while the 237-year-old feudal roots are being jerked out, but there is confidence that once the old and rotten tooth is gone, a new and stronger one can grow. Not only is the world anxiously witnessing the tumultuous political developments in Nepal, but also the Nepalese people themselves are taking cautious measures under the leadership of the proletarian party, a participating party in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, to make revolution a success and prevent it from being nipped in the bud by the reactionaries at home and aboard.

Bulletin of CP Nepal (Maoist)

2006-03-24T19:59:00.000-08:00

From Bulletin

SPLITISTS EXPELLED

The two party leaders Rabindra Shrestha and Anukul have been expelled from the Party on the wake of controversy that spilled out after they went public with their dissent accusing senior leaders Com. Prachanda and Com. Baburam Bhattarai of political deviation as well as lodged, personal attack against them. Though the Party leadership had been trying to sort out the differences with them through inner-party debate and "had instructed them to present their discontents in a disciplined way ", they chose instead to attack the party and the revolution blatantly showing utter disregard of Party discipline and demeanour hence merging into the reactionary bloc.

The duo had been previously "suspended from the central committee only a few days before because of their planned, anarchic and non-political activities from the party". Chairman Com. Prachanda has issued a Press Communiqué on 14 March 2006 to this effect, denouncing them as "traitors", "collaborators of the reactionaries" and "unnecessary by-product" of the revolution. The full text of the statement has been included herewith:

"This press communiqué has been issued to clarify party centre's view and decision over the appeal for so-called debate that was propagated with the name of Rabindra and Anukul on March 13, 2006 yesterday.

1. Our glorious party is leading a rigorous and decisive struggle externally against the ringleader of world imperialism and internally the feudal autocracy, today. Rabindra and Anukul, by publicly vomiting venom against party policy and party leadership at the dawn of a blockade that the party has declared against autocracy and by isolating themselves from party and revolution have posed themselves as a backer (benefactor) of the absolute Gyanendra Shahi. As a last effort to save Rabindra and Anukul, who were suspended from the central committee only a few days before because of their planned, anarchic and non-political activities, from being completely degenerated, the party centre in accordance with the norms of democratic centralism had instructed them to present their discontents in a disciplined way. However, they, who had already acquired the mentality of fleeing away from the party and revolution, and had no courage to present themselves in the great debate that had been fixed for putting forth their opinions and carrying them forward in an organized way in near future, have exposed themselves as absconders and betrayers serving counterrevolution against revolution. Therefore, the party headquarters, declaring Rabindra and Anukul as absconders and servants of absolute monarchy and counterrevolution, has taken up a decision to expel them from the party.

2. Party centre rejects completely the absurd accusations that Rabindra and Anukul have raised through the so-called appeal and detests and denounces such propagandas as counterrevolutionary activities. There cannot be any serious debate with them over the "theoretical questions' that they have raised very mechanically, clumsily and distortedly as a false effort to cover up their counterrevolutionary escapist character in the so-called appeal. In a very sensitive turning point of class struggle, there cannot be any debate with the betrayers, who have helped the feudal fascists Gyanendra and Kamal Thapas against the great Nepalese people struggling against the autocracy and blood of the great martyrs who sacrificed their lives in this course. Party has already decided the main agenda for the forthcoming Congress and the scientific method of putting forth creatively the differences of revolutionaries who are sincere towards party and revolution. In this situation, the party completely rejects the outcry of Rabindra and Anukul, who are talking of debate by going underground and standing along the line of enemy as a capitulationist uproar.

3. The background of Rabindra, who has fallen victim to such a big deviation at this sensitive moment of today's class struggle, had been of self-centred, frantic, dubious and extremist character in the party. While taking up responsibility in the organization, his characteristic speciality had been to lap up someone unnaturally and sideline others, to engage in groupism and to try to create disorder. Other comrades, who were in jail with him, had forwarded written and verbal report to the central headquarters that his activities were suspicious, when he was in enemy custody in the past. Even now, the central headquarters is continuing with its investigation based on those reports. Now, the way he has vomited venom against party and leadership and the way Kamal Thapas are issuing statements, it is indicating seriously towards a planned design and not sole coincidence.

In the course of preparation of the last CC meeting, he was completely disordered as a result of his servile, challenging and threatening role he had played to "establish" himself as a capable leader of the young generation and successor of comrade Prachanda. Rabindra, who, instead of trying to correct his tendency of self-centred individualism and extreme careerism, had fallen prey to arrogance and sense of revenge by leaving the Alok tendency far behind, introducing himself as a bigger Alok.

In the same manner, Anukul's nature too had always been one of mechanical and extremist type. Since the past two years, he had been suffering from the disease of severe pessimism, escapism and right liquidationism. He had shown his dynamism on the question of speeding up split and liquidation through his provocative expressions in the inner party struggle. He had already given a glimpse of his escapist and liquidationist character by boycotting the last CC meeting. The fact is clear that this alliance between Rabindra, who had nourished splitism siding with the party headquarters (Comrade Prachanda), and Anukul, who had exercised in the same manner siding with Comrade Baburam Bhattarai in the past inner party struggles, is nothing other than a very much non-political, immoral and alliance of absconders.

4. In the course of development of revolution, it is necessary for it to dispose of unnecessary by-product from within. Present desertion of Rabindra and Anukul is only a new link of the same unavoidable law of revolution. If the absolute elements from Gyanendra and Kamal Thapa to the US imperialism have dreamt of our party becoming weak, it will only be a daydream in the same way as it had been in the course of Alok tendency of the past. The Party will strike against the enemy more powerfully than before by throwing away its bi-products and becoming healthier and stronger. Our whole party rank and file, entire fighters of the people's liberation army and new powers and entire masses of the people will expose unitedly the counterrevolutionary and escapist character of Rabindra and Anukul. Rabindra and Anukul will be nothing for the US imperialism, Gyanendra Shahi and Kamal Thapas other than a Don Quixotic dream. In the war of democracy and peace against autocracy people's victory is guaranteed.

***

REACTIONARY STATE UNDER BLOCKADE

To give a final blow against the tottering royal fascist regime, economic blockade of mainly Kathmandu valley & district/zone/regional headquarters of the reactionary regime and transportation strike has been called by CPN (Maoist), Broad National Political Conference Organizing Committee, United Revolutionary People's Council and the PLA in effect from 14 March to 3 April. Following immediately, from 3 April onwards, indefinite countrywide political strike (Transportation, factory, business centres, educational institution and offices shutdown) has been called. Preparation, propaganda and mass mobilization for the same have been successfully completed.

On behalf of the organizers, Party Chairman and Supreme Commander of the PLA, Comrade Prachanda and Convener of UPRC Comrade Baburam Bhattarai have issued a press statement on 18 February 2006 requesting all Nepalese citizens to boycott and block the authority of this illegitimate royal regime. They have appealed to all democratic parties; their sister organizations; ethnic and regional organizations; professional groups; businessmen and industrialists; journalists and media persons; civil society; and all the general masses of the people for participation in the struggle against the royal military regime and to contribute towards bringing a golden dawn of the Democratic Republic of Nepal. "Squeezing a boil can be painful for a while, but the durable relief it gives to the victim later on makes the squeezing unavoidable. Similarly, the blockades and political strikes may cause troubles and problems to many. However, we hope everybody realizes that this movement is the only way to give comfort to the people not only of this generation but of many generations to come. We, thus, expect and request for voluntary and active participation of all in this historic and decisive movement".

Given below is the full text of statement:

"Let us give a final blow to the autocratic royal regime!

Let us actively participate in the nationwide political strike!!

Should we continue to entrap the country into an endless civil war by holding on to the feudal autocratic monarchy or should we ensure durable peace and progress by establishing a democratic republic in the immediate future? Should we allow our country to remain as a playground for foreign intervention on behalf of a handful of feudal aristocratic war-mafias, or should we protect the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity by establishing peace through progressive political way out? Should we betray our country and the people by bowing down to the autocratic monarchy which has unleashed not one but several coups against democracy since 1950, or should we free our country from the clutches of feudal monarchy for ever by building up a grand coalition of the entire left and non-left democratic forces? Should we want our economic, social and cultural inequality, backwardness, poverty, and exploitation to continue as they are by agreeing to minor patch-ups to the already tattered 237-years-old central feudal state, or should we try to advance our country towards democracy, peace and progress which can be made possible by restructuring the state to end inequalities based on class, caste, region and gender? It has become imperative for all the conscientious, dignified and patriotic Nepalese people to stand on the witness box of history and answer these crucial questions. Autocratic monarchy or democratic republic? War or peace? Capitulation or resistance? Regression or a way forward? National betrayal or patriotism? In the present day Nepalese society polarized into these two fundamental camps everybody has to choose its side.

The unprecedented participation of people in the democratic movement following the declaration of 12-point understanding between the Maoist revolutionaries and seven parliamentary political parties has already proved that the majority of Nepalese people is against the autocratic royal regime, and is strongly in favor of democracy, peace and progress. After the total failure of the farce of municipal election, which was successfully shattered by the astounding people's massive military and non-military struggle, the final countdown of the autocratic monarchy which is sustaining itself only on a tiny gang of elites within the royal army has already begun. Undoubtedly, the heroic actions performed by the People's Liberation Army in places like Thankot and Dadhikot, which are at the heart of the royal regime, to Nepalgunj, Mahendranagar, Makawanpur, Udayapur, Dhankuta, Tansen and Sunwal have clearly shown that the royal army, which stands as the only major shield of monarchy, is being pushed towards dissolution. As the international power centers including the two big neighboring countries are recently beginning to show their reluctance to accept the monarchy as the symbol of so-called stability, it is becoming clearer that the Nepalese monarchy, which has lost all popular support, is soon becoming a garbage heap of history. The recent sudden price-hike of petroleum products shows that the royal regime deeply sunk in luxury, extravagance, corruption and fraud is being unable to sustain even the general expenses from the internal sources of revenue, and is heading rapidly towards bankruptcy. Its decision to impose its burden on ordinary people and mass consumers, who are already victimized by the massive price rises in the past, has made it clear that the Nepalese people, from the economic point of view also, cannot support the white elephant disguised as monarchy and its parasitic royal army. Similarly, history has already proved that the complete liberation of predominant peasantry, oppressed nationalities and regions, madhesis, women, dalits and other oppressed sections is impossible so long as this feudal monarchical regime based on the Hill Khas and the so-called high-caste Hindu chauvinism continues to exist.

In this context, the abolition of feudal monarchy and establishment of democratic republic have become the immediate minimum political tasks for establishing democracy, peace, progress, and true national unity and sovereignty. To concretize this, the 12-point understanding between the Maoists and the seven political parties was built up as a first step, and a countrywide massive wave of united movement with common slogan, front and programs has become today's historical necessity. Realizing this necessity, the CPN (Maoist) and its affiliated organizations and fronts, by showing maximum flexibility are making every effort in building up a united movement. In this process, efforts have been made to eliminate doubts and suspicions associated with the revolutionaries since the past times and to clarify publicly the commitment towards multi-party democratic political competition within the framework of democratic republic through direct interviews given by the Party Chairman to the national and international media on the occasion of the completion of glorious ten years of the grand revolutionary People's War. In order to decisively defeat the autocratic monarchy, the proposals put forward for building up and seeking international recognition to a parallel government and the national army consisting of the People's Liberation Army, mutinous royal army and other democratic forces are certainly correct, objective and of historical significance. However, all true democratic forces need to be fully aware of the disinformation campaigns run by the representatives of some international power centers who are frightened by the nationwide popular support to the Maoist-Parliamentarian12-point understanding and these novel proposals. We must understand that their effort to spread false information against the revolutionary forces is aimed at creating a rift among the democratic forces, so that the parliamentary forces surrender to the monarchy once again. As it is clear to everyone that the feudal elements within the palace have been fulfilling their autocratic interests by creating rift between the left and non-left and between parliamentary and non-parliamentary forces, this new policy of divide and rule must be thwarted in time and all should focus on building up a broad front and united movement against autocratic monarchy. If anyone tries to shatter the united democratic movement on this or that pretext and become the shield of the autocratic monarchy or attempts to abort the movement by agreeing to useless minor reforms, s/he will be considered a deceiver and betrayer in the eyes of the people. Now, there is no reason to debate on the fact that the establishment of democratic republic through free and fair election of constituent assembly is the minimum basis for peace and progress in the country.

The ten-year-long revolutionary People's War has already cut the roots of feudal structure from most parts of the country. Similarly, oppressed sections from different classes, castes, regions and gender have been rising for their complete liberation. On the other hand, the autocratic feudal clique led by Gyanendra-Paras murderer gang has been defamed and discarded more than ever before in history. Therefore, the time has come to hit the final blow against this tottering royal fascist regime. Therefore, we cordially request all Nepalese citizens to boycott and block the authority of this illegitimate royal regime. We also request all Nepalese people to defy its so-called laws, rules and regulations and not to pay any form of taxes, charges and fees to it. In the same way, we make a special appeal to the patriotic and democratic officers and soldiers of the royal army, armed police and police force, who have been forced to become personal slaves of the royal power representing a handful of feudal aristocrats and have been compelled to discharge bullets and batons upon their own kith and kins, to stand on the side of democracy and join the new national army by rebelling from there. Similarly, we heartily request all personnel involved in civil, judicial and other services to defy the orders of this illegitimate and anti-people regime and to play their roles for establishing democracy. Similarly, we appeal to all democratic parties; their sister organizations; ethnic and regional organizations; professional groups; business persons and industrialists; journalists and media persons; civil society; and all general masses of the people for participating in the struggle declared against the royal military regime and to contribute towards bringing a golden dawn of the democratic republic of Nepal. Squeezing a boil can be painful for a while, but the durable relief it gives to the victim later on makes the squeezing unavoidable. Similarly, the blockades and political strikes may cause troubles and problems to many. However, we hope everybody realizes that this movement is the only way to give comfort to the people not only of this generation but of many generations to come. We, thus, expect and request for voluntary and active participation of all in this historic and decisive movement.

Program for struggle

Till March 13: Preparation, propaganda and mass mobilization.
From March 14 onwards: Blockade of mainly Kathmandu valley & district/zone/regional headquarters and transportation strike.
From April 3: Indefinite countrywide political strike (transportation, factory, business centers, educational institution and offices shutdown).

Note: In addition to the above-mentioned programs, different sister organizations of the party and ethnic and regional fronts may declare their own separate programs of struggle. Similarly, there will be our active support and co-operation to the programs of struggle declared by the alliance of seven political parties.

Slogans

1. Abolish the feudal and comprador monarchy! Establish multiparty democratic republic!

2. Block the illegitimate royal power! Organize parallel democratic government!

3. Dissolve the feudal mercenary royal army! Build up a new democratic national army!

4. Conduct free and fair constituent assembly election! Restructure the state as to ensure class, nationality, regional and gender liberation!

5. Implement Maoist-Parliamentarian 12-point understanding! Create countrywide storm of united movement! "

***

REPORT FROM THE BATTLE FIELD

On February 27 to March 1, in one of the longest but successful and courageous frontal battles with Gyanendra's Royal unified command, the PLA gave a deadly blow to the RNA, killing more than two dozens of them and injuring more than 30. Clashes occurred at Dandakatari and Tingire and Shiddheshwor region of Palpa and Panena and Khidim of Arghakhanchi district (border region of both district in the Western Region). The valiant fighters of the PLA surrounded the Royal forces in these areas and opened fire first. Vicious gun battle with the Royal mercenaries ensued. The PLA was able to capture sophisticated automatic weapons including six M-16 automatic rifles along with thousands of rounds of its bullets, SLR, INSAS, LMG, GPMG, 90 pieces of fighter bags and ammunitions. The PLA has lost its 16 comrades including a Battalion Commander in that clash.

Another successful attack was carried out at the district headquarter of Ilam district (far eastern region) on 6 March. One and a half dozen of Royal Security personnel including a Lieutenant were killed in the overnight clashes between the PLA and royal security forces after the PLA stormed the district headquarter late at 9:30 pm. At least 35 security personnel including that of RNA were injured in the clashes. The PLA also freed 103 prisoners of which 32 were Maoist revolutionaries, from the district prison.

The clash began after the PLA launched simultaneous attacks against Bhawanidal Battalion of RNA at Gadhithumka, District Administration Office (DAO), Land Revenue Office, District Court, District Police Office, among other government establishments. According to the First Division of the PLA, the main target was district prison.

After the Ilam attack, there have been heavy clashes between the Gyanendra's security forces and the PLA at Danabari area bordering Ilam and Jhapa district from 10th March afternoon. The PLA has said that there have been a number of casualty (more than seven) on the part of the Royal Security personnel during the clashes. Various arms and ammunitions were seized from the security personnel. The Security Battalion of the PLA managed to seize one piece of INSAS, one piece of SLR, one 3-0-3 rifle, one barrel of GPMG and more than ten thousand rounds of bullets.

Similarly, on February 27 night, the revolutionary rebels exploded powerful bombs at the Customs office of Kailali district .

On March 8, two Royal mercenaries were blown up to death and three others injured in a daylight commando raid near Paras Bus Park in the southern part of Bharatpur Town in Chitwan district. A team from Basu Memorial Brigade of the Third Division opened fire at a number of government offices simultaneously at around 10:45 a.m. In this raid one INSAS rifle was seized by the PLA.

***

REPORT ABOUT THE SPEAKING TOUR

“REVOLUTION IN NEPAL—A NEW WORLD IS POSSIBLE!” was the theme of a speaking tour throughout Europe in January-February 2006 organized by the World People’s Resistance Movement, Europe and South Asia. Anand Swaroop Verma, a well known journalist and author from India who has written two books about the Maoists and the revolution in Nepal volunteered to travel to Europe for 30 days to be the main speaker of the tour.

The tour had been planned months ahead of time and a call went out in November to the various chapters of the WPRM for the programs and to unite all who could be united to support the speaking tour. In many areas, individuals and various organisations and associations stepped forward to take part in the events.

Programs were held in Hamburg, Berlin, Frankfurt and Cologne, Germany; Massa, Rome and Palermo, Italy: Brussels, Belgium; Rotterdam in the Netherlands; Oslo, Norway; Gothenburg, Sweden; Strasbourg, France and Vienna, Austria. Various interviews were arranged with journalists from leftist newspapers and with one local radio station in Rome. Verma also participated in two mass rallies: one at a demonstration against the monarchy that was held in Brussels, Belgium on 1, February. Over 200 people, Nepali refugees and immigrants, took part in this manifestation in front of the European Parliament whose main slogan was: Turn Over All Political Powers to the Nepalese People! Verma also addressed a large mass rally in Wuppertal, Germany that was organized by the Maoist Communist Party, Turkey and North Kurdistan in honour of the 17 party leaders, who were massacred by the Turkish Army in June, 2005.

The programs drew people from all walks of life who were interested in finally hearing “the other side of the story”. As Peter Grant, who accompanied Verma throughout his tour mentioned in his introductory remarks, “The international media and even a lot of the so-called leftist press in Europe has either been ignoring the significant political developments in Nepal for over a decade, or is completely distorting the information coming out of the Maoist controlled areas.”

Teachers, senior citizens, students, intellectuals, feminists, development workers, artists, working class youth, proletarians from Turkey, immigrants and refugees from many oppressed countries filled the rooms to hear Verma speak and then spent many hours afterwards in discussion. Most participants attended the whole length of the programs which went on for more than 4 hours in most of the cities. In all, there were about 750 people who attended the programs throughout Europe. At some of the programs, participants of the First International Work Brigades to Rolpa in November 2005 gave short reports about their experiences in helping the people build a 92 kilometre road which will link two district towns in the revolutionary base area there. They were also greeted with much enthusiasm since it was the first time that many people could actually hear and see what it was like in a liberated base area where a new society is being built.

Verma’s twenty-five minute presentation summed up the major developments inside Nepal and internationally for the past ten years. It began by pointing out that, “Today the forces loyal to the king and the foreign powers supporting his regime – most especially the US, UK and India – are at one end of the spectrum, and at the other are the masses in their millions who are supporting and taking part in a great revolutionary movement being led by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). Between these two poles are a number of wavering middle forces, including the parliamentary parties, who at times have supported the monarchy and at other times have been more sympathetic to the people. The more the revolutionary movement has gained strength and support, the more the monarchy has become exposed and isolated, the more these wavering middle forces have found themselves compelled to distance themselves from the king and gravitate toward the people’s movement.”

How true this statement has become even in the weeks of the tour as we hear new reports from Nepal about the imperialists' desperate moves to try to turn the middle forces away from the 12 point agreement with the Maoists, and now, after a number of interviews with Comrade Prachanda in the Indian and international media, have now themselves begun to openly talk about the possibility of the monarchy being driven out of the country.

Verma’s presentation described the events of the past year since the royal coup of Feb. 1, 2005, showing how this actually turned the increased oppression into its opposite leading to the recent unilateral “cease fire” by the CPN (Maoist), and to the 12 point agreement in November last year. He described the reasons for emergence of a revolutionary mass movement by the ‘Maoists’, as the people realize that this is the only hope to throw off the yoke of “feudal exploitative social structure of Nepal (that has) remained unchanged during the last 234 years.” He covered the developments in the country over the past 10 years and described how the imperialists and India sent massive arms support and aid to the various corrupt governments and the monarchy with the hope of suppressing the growing people’s power inside the country. He posed the question that many ask themselves, “Why are the world’s most powerful and prosperous nations so concerned about this one of the weakest and poorest country of the world.” and answers it concretely in his next sentence, “The reasons are many. Some of them are: the nature of current politics, Nepal’s geopolitical situation, US ambition to establish military bases in South Asia and seeing China as the emerging challenge in the region. But beyond all these, the bigger reason is that of ideology and the potential for revolutionary ideology to become transformed into a material force that can change history." He further said, "The imperialists are fully aware of Mao’s famous declaration, that ‘a single spark can start a prairie fire’. If the prairie called South Asia were to be swept by the flames of people’s revolution, the implications for the entire world system of imperialism are practically incalculable.”

Verma analysed the manoeuvres of the Indian government to do all it can to stop the revolution at its borders: “…all of this is aimed at reversing and crushing one of the most dramatic social transformations and advance of the past 30 years.” He devoted the second part of his speech to describing many of these social transformations, from the major developments in abolishing the caste system, the many advances that have been made in the liberation of women, development of schools, providing education to all who were kept illiterate for decades, the special emphasis on the agricultural sector, the distribution of land confiscated from big landlords to poor landless peasants, the introduction of cooperative farming, the abolishment of ‘bonded labour’ , the development of the militias to protect the safety of the people, the rise of the PLA as a ‘people’s army’ and its role in bringing medical treatment to the people in the countryside, the rise of the ‘United Revolutionary People’s Council’ “as an embryonic central state power to coordinate the local people’s power which is a broad revolutionary united front of different classes, nationalities, regions, women etc. under the leadership of the CPN (Maoist).

In closing, Verma summed up that the tremendous political, cultural, economic and social transformations in Nepal are truly the most important political developments in the world for the oppressed in decades. “This battle, no matter how it proceeds from here, has through the courage and sacrifice of its protagonists already written new chapters in the history of the people’s worldwide struggle for emancipation; in Nepal it has once again – and to the astonishment of many – proven that indeed, a new world is possible!”

The questions and discussions that followed the speech truly reflected the concerns and curiosity of the millions world over who now have turned their eyes towards Nepal. If the CPN (Maoist) already controls 80% of the country why do they not push on and take the rest? Why did they call a unilateral ceasefire and what did it accomplish? Why the 12 point understandings with the corrupt political parties who were once their bitter enemies, and can the people trust them? In what way is the push now from the CPN (Maoist) to form a people’s democratic government in line with Mao’s concept of the “new democratic revolution"? What are India, US, UK and China going to do and what role does the present Indian government have to play? What are the people and the CPN (Maoist) planning if India and the imperialists try to put up an embargo on Nepal? What is the stand of the Maoists in India and do they support the developments in Nepal? How is society organized in the liberated base areas? How are the agricultural reforms for the peasants taking effect and how is the rest of the economy in the liberated areas being organized? Especially many women at the programs asked various questions concerning the role of women in the revolution and what the party is doing to also change the thinking and privileges of men. In Norway, many individuals from NGOs who either have been to Nepal or have connections there asked many questions around the various false reports about the “abuse of human rights”, the “kidnapping of children”, and the “persecution of intellectuals”. Apart from this, proletarians and especially many of the Nepalis attending the programs were deeply concerned about how to further build international support for the people of Nepal and the revolution going on their.

This was exactly the main purpose of the speaking tour and Verma remarked that he was very impressed with the broad range of people who showed up at the programs and is very optimistic about raising more support for the revolutionary and democratic developments in South Asia. He said, “I have never seen anything like this where so many different types of people from all classes come together and talk for hours about the possibilities of revolution, the geo-political situation, the transformations in the liberated areas and the need to support the historical events that are now taking place in a little country like Nepal.” Verma was especially impressed by the attendance of many youth at the programs and the spirit they incorporated to build and support the programs. “I had a completely wrong impression of the youth in Europe, but after meeting so many spirited young male and female individuals on the tour, it has given me a tremendous amount of hope for the future.” he said. “It was also truly amazing to see so many proletarians, those workers and immigrants in these imperialist countries who are at the bottom of these capitalistic societies come into the programs and challenge me with all kinds of questions about revolution and the need for it all over the world. It was mainly these workers who stayed right up until the end of the programs to talk about these questions and even invited me to their homes afterwards to keep the discussions going.” he commented.

Overall, Verma summed up the tour as a big success. “This speaking tour was definitely worth it and it is something that we can build on in the future.” he commented.

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Press Statement

World People's Resistance Movement South Asia

Bush!

Go-off South Asia!!

Take to the streets and strongly oppose Bush visit to India

George W. Bush, the ringleader of world imperialism and the number one terrorist of the world, is making an official visit to India in the coming March 2006. His only mission- to hold the entire world in his fist- is not hidden from the masses in India, South Asia and the world as well. His dictum, "either you are with us or against us" and "war against terrorism" are the official lines by which the US imperialism forces the already existing puppet regimes and creates new ones wherever required, to materialize its imperialist interest. The US military invasion and occupation in Afghanistan and Iraq, its threat to attack Iran, Syria and North Korea and the present visit to India, though different in form, has the same essence: to make the governments surrender more than before and smoothly implement imperialist policies like, liberalization and privatization and thereby extract more economic profit out of it. The UPA government, led by the Congress, is furnishing its red carpet to welcome Bush and by doing so is becoming an accomplice to the imperialist mission.

The Bush visit is taking place when the revolutionary armed struggles, national liberation movements and anti-imperialist struggles of various kinds are acquiring momentum day after day in India and all over South Asia. In particular, the people's war in Nepal, which is likely to overthrow the central power of autocratic feudal monarchy, has since long been challenging the US imperialism, both ideologically and politically. The recent BBC interview of the US Ambassador, Moriarty, in which he shamelessly dictated the monarchy and parliamentarian parties to work together to thwart the 'Maoist menace in Nepal' shows that the US imperialism is sensing serious "danger" from revolutionaries in the region. It is clear: Bush visit is not only aimed at encouraging the Indian government to penetrate imperialist policies deeper into different sectors, including politics, of India but also working together with greater unity than before to keep control of entire South Asia, contain revolutionary, national liberation and anti-imperialist movements and thereby expand unopposed cheap market for the multinational companies and monetary agencies.

Bush is coming to India with a package of sugarcoated poison for the oppressed and justice-loving people in India and all across the region. The World People's Resistance Movement, South Asia, (WPRM, SA), strongly opposes Bush visit to India and his imperialist package to plunder the masses of this region. In addition, we oppose the Indian government that is working for the interest of imperialism and is dreaming of administering the entire South Asia. We, therefore, call upon the oppressed and justice-loving people in the region, particularly India, to come to the streets with as many forms of struggles as possible and register strong opposition to the Bush visit in India and the anti-people joint scheme of the US imperialism and the Indian ruling class.

February 22, 2006

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Press Statement of CCOMPOSA

Kick Bush out of South Asia!

Stop imperialist, particularly US, intervention in South Asia!!

Smash imperialism, particularly US, and all their lackeys in South Asia!!!

George W. Bush, the No.1 International terrorist and the greatest enemy of the world people, plans to visit South Asia in the month of March this year. The visit of this world’s biggest rowdy to India is only meant to further tighten the grip of the US Super Power over the countries of South Asia. The immediate aim of Bush’s visit is to coerce and to win support for its blood-bath in Iraq and Afghanistan and for its war mongering policies all over the world. The organisations of the CCOMPOSA call upon the people of South Asia to oppose the visit of this international gangster and prevent his entry by all means at their disposal.

Using the pretext of 9/11 attacks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon, this big bully, egged on by the oil lobby and the military-industrial complex in the US, had unleashed the bloodiest wars of this century by invading Afghanistan and Iraq and creating unending gory blood-baths. He has threatened to attack Iran, Syria, North Korea and several other countries in the world. He had openly supported the bloody terrorist attacks by the Israeli Zionist rulers against Palestinian civilians, massacring even women, children and the old-aged in so-called acts of retribution. He had fomented disturbances in Venezuela, Bolivia and other countries of Latin America. In the name of containing terrorism he had launched attacks on “targets” in other countries such as the missile strike in Damadola in the Bajur tribal region of Pakistan on January 13 this year that killed 13 civilians. He is openly blackmailing countries such as India to vote against Iran in the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). The Indian government is being pressurised to abandon its plans of investing in Syrian oil project jointly with China.

In the name of fighting Islamic terrorism and, duping the people by aggressively propagating CIA-fabricated lies, the US imperialists led by Bush has unleashed heinous attacks on the Muslim people all over the world. This global terrorist has either outlawed, or declared as terrorist, several Maoist Parties such as the CPN(M) in Nepal, CPP in the Philippines, CPI (Maoist) in India, and provided massive aid to the reactionary regimes in these countries to enact fascist repression on revolutionary and democratic movements. Such is the real aim behind the so-called war on terrorism led by Bush and other imperialist chieftains.

The US imperialists are to be seen directly intervening in all the countries of South Asia, whether it be India or Pakistan, or Nepal, Bangladesh or Sri Lanka. They have spread their tentacles far and wide — not only in the sphere of their economies but also politically, socially, culturally. The feudal autocratic and comprador ruling classes of these countries are prostrating before this international gangster and betraying the interests of their country and people. These lackeys are the worst enemies of their own people. They sell the country’s and people’s interests for a few crumbs from the imperialist table.

We the Maoist organisations of South Asia call on the people of the region to mobilise on a huge scale against the Bush visit; smash their lackeys in the region who are laying out the red carpet for this demonic criminal; and unite firmly with each other against their common enemy.

-Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organisations of South Asia (CCOMPOSA)

PBSP (CC) [Bangladesh] 2) PBSP (MPK)[Bangladesh] 3) BSD (ML) [Bangladesh] 4)CPEB (ML) [Bangladesh] 5)CPC (Maoist) [Sri Lanka] 6) CPI(Maoist) [India] 7) CPI-ML (Naxalbari) [India] 8) RCCI (MLM) [India] 11) CPN (Maoist) [Nepal]

February 16, 2006

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Message from the CC (P), CPI (Maoist) On the Occasion of the 10^th Anniversary of the Initiation of People’s War in Nepal

On behalf of the CC (P), the entire Party rank-and-file, the PLGA, the organs of people’s power, the varied mass organisations and the revolutionary masses of India, we send heartfelt revolutionary greetings to the CPN (Maoist), PLA, URPCs in the Base Areas and the people of Nepal on the occasion of the 10^th Anniversary of initiation of People’s War in Nepal. The victories achieved in this decade of struggle have been a great inspiration to our Party and the oppressed masses of the people of India.

In this short time the revolutionary masses of Nepal under the leadership of the CPN (Maoist) have been able to develop a strong party, powerful people’s army and a United Front that governs vast areas of the country in the base areas set up. They have successfully been able to isolate the hated monarchy and have liberated vast parts of the countryside. They have taken the people’s war from the stage of strategic defence to that of strategic offence in this short period of time. It is no doubt a historic advance which inspires not only the revolutionary people of India but that of the entire world. They have helped create a new hope in the communist movement after the setback in the Soviet Union and China throughout the world beckoning a new wave of revolutionary struggles in the world.

As a fraternal Party from a neighbouring country, and that too a big country where the ruling classes have adopted expansionist designs to rob, loot, interfere and control that country and people, we assure the Nepalese people we will not rest until we end such interference in the internal affairs of a small neighbouring country. We strongly condemn the Indian rulers for arming the RNA to suppress the people’s movement. We call for the scrapping of all unequal treaties with Nepal and the removal of all Indian comprador business interests from Nepal. We are for building good neighbourly relations between the two countries on the basis of total equality, no matter what the size of the countries may be — based on the five principles of peaceful co-existence. Also, in the spirit of proletarian internationalism we lend full support to the ongoing people’s movement in Nepal; and call on the people of the entire world to help in all ways to make the Nepal revolution a success.

The people of Nepal and India have long and deep cultural, social, economic and political relations. The two Maoist parties are further bound by a common ideological basis of the world proletariat, i.e., Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and a common goal, i.e., establishment of socialism and communism on the entire world. Both are fired by the spirit of proletarian internationalism. There is therefore no force that can break this strong unity that is developing in the course of the class struggle in our respective countries. We shall build solid bonds of unity against imperialism and Indian expansionism. We shall always stand by revolutionary people of Nepal in their time of need and will vehemently oppose any form of intervention by the Indian rulers or imperialists against the revolutionary movement of Nepal. We will give whatever support necessary to safeguard the great victories of the Nepalese revolution.

Once again on the occasion of the 10^th anniversary of the initiation of the people’s war in Nepal we send our warmest revolutionary greetings to the CPN (Maoist), PLA, URPCs at various levels in all the base areas and the revolutionary masses. We also pay our sincere homage to the thousands of heroic fighters and commanders of PLA, the members and leaders of CPN (Maoist) and people who have given their precious lives for the liberation of their country and for the great cause of establishment of Socialism-Communism in the entire human society.

(Ganapati)

General Secretary

Communist Party of India (Maoist)

February 10, 2006

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Article

ON MORIARTY'S PONTIFICATION

-Baburam Bhattarai

There is a place called Chor-kaatey near our village in Gorkha district. Chor-kaatey literally means, 'chopping off the thief '. There is an interesting anecdote about how this place got its name. In olden days whenever there was any crime in the locality, all the suspects would be herded there and made to lie down with their legs stretched. The village headman with an axe in hand would then shout aloud: 'Chop off the legs of the thief (or culprit)!' It often happened that the real culprit would involuntarily pull up his legs in fear and thus get caught & punished.

The recent utterances of the US ambassador, James F. Moriarty, have forced us to get reminded of this anecdote, but in a new context. After the February 1 royal coup last year, there was wild speculation about the real motivating force behind it. The source of the seemingly unusual confidence of the autocratic monarch in the face of such complete failure and isolation of his regime over the period since then had obviously been the subject of intense guess-work among all political observers on Nepal. Ambassador Moriarty, with his vitriolic monologue against the democratic republican movement on February 15 and an equally provocative interview to the BBC Nepali service on February 19, has demystified the suspense and exposed the strong nexus between the US imperialist ruling classes and the Nepalese feudal autocratic forces. In that sense the Ambassador deserves our appreciation, at least for his candidness.

But looking at the matter more closely, the issue is quite serious. The whole Nepalese political spectrums, except a few royalist die-hards, have rightly condemned the Ambassador's unwarranted and deeply flawed pontification on the ongoing democratic republican movement in the country. Particularly the Seven Party Alliance (SPA), the civil society and the independent media have so thoroughly repudiated and exposed the Ambassador's pro-monarchy and anti-democratic outbursts that we hardly find any new arguments to supplement them. We just wonder why the Ambassador is so intent on shooting at his own feet, or alienating the overwhelming majority of the Nepalese masses and the urban intelligentsia that look towards the West for democratic inspirations and ideas. The timing of Moriarty's harangue is all the more inopportune when the entire international community ranging from the UN, the European Union and Japan to the most important neighbours India and China, seem to be arriving at a consensus for democracy and peace by dumping the recalcitrant King & his cohorts. If the US interests in Nepal are only geo-strategic, in a region flanked by more than two billion people of India & China, as claimed by the Ambassador himself in his BBC interview, this certainly is not the best way to achieve them. We wonder what more reasonable people in the US, like Senator Patrick Leheay, have to say on this.

There is some insinuation in certain quarters that Moriarty may have got provoked by our leadership's observations on the role of US ruling classes in Nepal. We don't think objective facts substantiate this. We have rather consciously avoided taking umbrage with the sole super power of the world even when it has blatantly violated our sovereignty and bolstered the royal regime and its genocidal royal Nepal army (RNA) against the revolutionary democratic forces. To make an ideological criticism of imperialism and the so-called globalization agenda is an entirely different thing. It is an open secret that without the massive modernization programme in the form of training, weapons supply and ultra-modern fortification of the barracks carried out by foreign, and particularly U.S., assistance after 2002, the RNA would not have been able to withstand this long and carry out the regressive monarchist agenda. The frequent high level visits of US military and intelligence functionaries to Nepal are definitely not meant for pilgrimage or recreation. Despite this, we have exercised maximum restraint, and Chairman Prachanda in his recent interview to the BBC television has categorically stated that we are ready to work with all international power centers, including the US, in the future democratic republican set-up. Hence the problem lies entirely with the US ruling classes, and not with us, which is amply reflected in Moriarty's outbursts.

Firstly, the problem lies with the McCarthyian outlook and the Cold War era anti-communist paranoia. The central thesis of Moriarty's lecture is that CPN (Maoist) should be militarily crushed and not allowed to come to power at any cost. Hence anybody who can do this job will get the US support. This has been the rationale for the continued US backing to the royal regime. As the King has failed in this mission over the past year, Moriarty has now frantically appealed to the parliamentary political parties to abandon the anti-monarchy democratic movement and surrender to the King. He has laboured hard to sell his paranoia to the SPA and goaded them to break out of the 12-point understanding with the CPN (Maoist). Moriarty further raises the bogey of future 'totalitarianism' of the CPN (Maoist) to scare away the SPA, as if the real & existing totalitarianism of the monarchy is better than an imaginary and hypothetical 'totalitarianism' of the future. Only a die-hard McCarthyian mindset can accuse the CPN (Maoist) of pursing 'totalitarianism' when the Party has formally passed an historic resolution on 'Development of Democracy in the 21^st Century' and Chairman Prachanda has so well articulated the Party's commitment to a multiparty competitive politics in the future democratic republican set-up in his recent interviews.

Secondly, the whole edifice of Moriarty's arguments is based on the thesis that the SPA and monarchy are "(T)wo legitimate constitutional actors- who should be on the same side." However, no sane person in Nepal is prepared to believe that the monarchy after October 4, and particularly after February 1, is a 'legitimate constitutional actor'. Even the supine Supreme Court in a recent judgment has ruled (though indirectly) that the King no longer remains so. The only 'legitimacy' of the King is his backing by the RNA and certain foreign powers, particularly the USA. It is really paradoxical that the loudest votaries of 'democracy' fail to see the ground reality and swear by the worst despots when their strategic interests are at stake. That is why Suharto, Marcos, Pinochet, Musarraf and now Gyanendra are the best 'democrats' and 'legitimate constitutional actors' for the US. And the CPN (Maoist) which has been consistently advocating for a free & fair election to a constituent assembly as a minimum basis for peace & democracy is branded 'totalitarian'!

Thirdly, another fundamental flaw with Moriarty's arguments lies in his supposition that the RNA is the "logical source of defence" for the parliamentary parties and democracy. But the historical facts prove just the opposite. The RNA has been the principal bulwark of autocracy historically, as it was repeatedly used by the monarchy to stage coup d'etat against the parliamentary democracy in 1960 and again in 2003-5. Hence the most important precondition for institutionalizing democracy in the country is the creation of a new national army committed to democracy. This has been one of the key proposals put forward by the CPN (Maoist) and increasingly accepted by other democratic political forces and the civil society. But Moriarty has very conveniently distorted our proposal and provocatively insinuated that we intend to overtake all the other political forces on the strength of our People's Liberation Army (PLA) once the RNA is no longer there. As Chairman Prachanda has clearly enunciated in his recent interviews, what we have proposed is the restructuring of both the RNA and the PLA and the creation of a new national army according to the result of the constituent assembly elections. During the elections both the armed forces can remain passive and neutral under a credible international supervision. What is wrong with that?

Moriarty has very selectively picked up names of individuals killed during the course of the civil war and has tended to sensationalize them for his political arguments. But has he cared to read the recent report prepared by Ian Martin and his team from the UN Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights? Does he dare accept that the royal regime is the worst perpetrator of human rights violations in the world? Does he know that highest number of disappearances by the state take place in Nepal? Selective use of tragic cases of individual death for political arguments would serve no purpose except to expose one's own insensitivity & callousness. Moreover, Moriarty's suggestion to view Umesh Thapa's sacrifice "as a catalyst for reconciliation and compromise" with the King crosses all limits of insensitivity and borders on insanity.

These are extremely rare historic times for Nepal. The need of the hour is a complete political, economical, social and cultural transformation of society. The 12-point understanding between the SPA and Maoist revolutionaries provides a minimum basis for democracy, peace & progress in the country. Let no one wreck this historic resolution of the Nepalese people. No one but the Nepalese people themselves have the right over their destin

Historical Memorandum of Understanding between the Seven Parties Alliance and CPN (Maoists)

2006-03-20T19:12:00.000-08:00

Special correspondent
Rolpa, 20 March.
Everyone is well aware of the 12-point understanding reached between the seven party alliance and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) on November 22, 2005 for loktantra, peace, prosperity, forward thinking, and national independence. The understanding created a nationwide wave which completely defeated the February 8 municipal polls orchestrated by the autocratic regime. This failure leaves no doubt that the understanding has been endorsed by the people. The widespread international support for the 12-point understanding also proves that it is the real foundation for the resolution of the conflict. On this occasion we express our strong commitment for the firm implementation of the understanding from all quarters.

We would like to once again recall that the seven parties are fully convinced that the force of the movement will restore parliament which in turn will form an all powerful interim government and conduct constituent assembly elections on the basis of dialogue and agreement with the Maoists. Such elections will end the conflict, establish loktantra, and restore people's sovereign and state power. The Maoist feel and are committed that an interim government formed by a national conference of democratic forces and the constituent assembly elections conducted by it can lead to the above-mentioned political goal. We [political parties and Maoists] have agreed that we will continue dialogue on this procedural issue and reach a common agreement.

We have agreed that the People's Movement is the only means to achieve our goal. We appeal to all the democratic forces, civil society, professional groups, marginalized and oppressed people, the press and public to actively take part in the ongoing peaceful movement that will establish absolute democracy which will restore people's sovereignty and state power through constituent assembly elections. Likewise we would like to appeal to the international community to provide all support in our attempt to end the 10-year old armed conflict and establish peace and loktantra by ending Nepal's autocratic monarchy.

Together with this understanding, Seven Party Alliance has made a call for a non-cooperation movement and massive mass mobilization programs on April 6, 7, 8, and 9 in Kathmandu. The SPA has also requested CPN (Maoists) to withdraw its ongoing blockade programs and extend its full support to the SPA programs.

In response to the SPA's demand, CPN (M) has issued a statementagreed to withdraw the ongoing blockade programs effective from tomorrow and extended its full support and cooperation to the April 6,7,8 and 9 SPA's Kathmandu centered agitation programs.

The Statement was signed by

Girija Prasad Koirala President - Nepali Congress

Amrit Kumar Bohara Acting G.S. – CPN (UML)

Sher Bahadur Deuba President – Nepali Congress (D)

Lila Mani Pokhrel Vice President – Janamorcha Nepal

Narayan Man Bijuchhe President – NWPP

Rajendra Mahato G. S. – NSP

Nanda Kumar Prasai President – ULF

# Prachanda President of CPN (Maoists) has issued a same statement signing seperately.

Anti Monarchy Struggle in Nepal enjoys the support and sympathy

2006-03-17T09:32:00.000-08:00

New Delhi:`Anti Monarchy Struggle in Nepal enjoys the support and sympathy ofa large section of European people and the reason for this can be seenin the intensive upsurge in the people's opposition to the USimperialism throughout Europe. In fact the people in Europe are keenlywatching the ongoing process of social transformation in Nepal,'says Anand Swaroop Verma, a well-known journalist and a scholar ofMaoist movement in Nepal. Mr Verma has recently returned from alecture-tour of Europe where he spoke extensively on the various aspectsof the Nepalese Maoist movement. He was sharing his experience with theparticipants in a meeting organised by India-Nepal People'sSolidarity Forum.The meeting resolved to stage a dharna at Jantar Mantar on March 31 at11.30 pm to demand release of more than 180 members of the CPN(M) inIndia and particularly drew attention to the continued incarceration oftwo politburo members Comrade C. P. Gajurel known as Com. Gaurav(Chennai Jail) and Comrade Mohan Baidya known as Com. Kiran (SiliguriJail) . They resolved that a memorandum would be submitted to theGovernment of India to draw attention to the fact that CPN(M) membersarrested in India had committed no crime in the country but were engagedin the struggle against an autocratic monarchy in Nepal which hadusurped all powers.Among others who participated were Prof. Randhir Singh, Rajendra Yadav,Gyanranjan, Hari Roka, Manglesh Dabral, Shivmangal Siddhantkar, AnilChamadia, Vijay Singh, Anjani Kumar and many intellectuals and activistsof different mass organisations. Prof Randhir Singh reminded theaudience that democracy ought not to become a tool for co-option ofMaoists of Nepal into a mainstream which merely maintains status quo inthe name of peace. Hari Roka spoke of the delicate situation prevailingin Nepal with US trying desperately to break the pact reached betweenthe Maoists and the seven political parties. Rajendra Yadav andGyanranjan reiterated that Indian people's solidarity with theirneighbours in Nepal is vital for India's own independence lest Nepalbecome a centre for US imperialist intrigue. Mr D. P. Tripathi, who isthe secretary of all party committee to support democracy movement inNepal 'Nepal Democracy Solidarity Committee, India' assured the meetingthat his organisation will continue to monitor the policy of Governmentof India towards Nepal. He said that the Committee does not considerMaoists to be terrorist.Mr Verma said that he was invited by the World People's ResistanceMovement (WPRM) to enlighten the people of various European countries onthe current status of Anti-Monarchy Struggle in Nepal. The main sloganof WPRM's programme was- `Revolution in Nepal: Another World isPossible.'During his lecture-tour Mr Anand Swaroop Verma visited Hamburg, Berlin,Cologne and Frankfurt in Germany; Rome, Massa and Palermo in Italy;Brussels in Belgium; Rotterdam in The Netherlands; Strassbourg inFrance; Oslo in Norway; Gothenburg in Sweden and Copenhagen in Denmark.He addressed the people over these places and also answer their queriesbesides these lectures. Mr. Verma also participated in two programmes ofvital importance during his tour. One programe related to the protestmarch in front of EU parliament in Brussels on Feb 1st marking thecompletion of one year of hijacking the power in Nepal by the Nepaleseking Gyanendra. This protest was focused on the theme `HandoverEntire Political Power to the Nepalese People'. The second programmewas in Wuppertal (Germany) and was organised by `Maoist CommunistParty of Turkey and North Kurdistan'. The Programme was dedicated to the17 party leaders who were massacred by the government forces in June2005.Mr. Verma said that contrary to the projections made by theInternational media, the people in Europe, particularly the students andthe youths are very keen to know the real developments in Nepal as theylack access to factual information, But, said Mr. Verma , despite themanipulation or distortion of news and views by the international media,European people do have this feeling that US-led imperialist forces arequite active in Nepal and are trying to protect the Monarchy. Anotherreason for the people of Europe extending their sympathy and support tothe struggle of Nepalese people is the growing hatred among them for USimperialism.Further sharing his experiences, Mr. Verma said that in Italy'sPalermo city the students and the youth had pasted posters and doneslogan-writing on the city's walls on the occasion of the lecturemeeting. Once the meeting was over, these energized youngsters sangrevolutionary songs till late night. This spirit was evident in theother cities of Italy as well. These meetings were also marked by themass participation of workers, women, intellectuals, teachers, students,development activists, working class youth, immigrants and refugees fromTurkey and many oppressed countries. They spent many hours afterwards indiscussion. Most participants stayed the whole length of the programmewhich lasted more than 4 hours in most of the cities. Mr Verma said thatat some of the programmes participants of the 'First International WorkBrigades' to Rolpa in November 2005 gave short reports about theirexperiences in helping the people build a 92-kilometre road which willlink two district towns in the revolutionary base area there. They werealso greeted with much enthusiasm since it was the first time that manypeople could actually hear and see what it was like in a liberated basearea where a new society is being built.Mr Verma said that the questions and discussions that followed thespeech truly reflected the concerns and curiosity of millions the worldover who now have turned their eyes towards Nepal. People were curiousto know - Is there a danger of an military intervention from Indiaand/or the US? Why, if the CPN(M) already controls 80% of the country dothey not push on and take the rest? Why did they call a unilateralceasefire and what did it accomplish? Why the 12- point agreement withthe corrupt political parties who were once their bitter enemies, andcan the people trust them? In what way is the push now from the CPN(M)to form a people's democratic government in line with Mao'sconcept of the "new democratic revolution"? What are India, the US, UKand China going to do and what role do the present Indian governmenthave to play? What are the people and the CPN(M) planning if India andthe imperialists try to put up an embargo around Nepal? What is thestand of the Maoists in India and do they support the developments inNepal? How is society organized in the liberated base areas? How are theagricultural reforms for the peasants taking effect and how is the restof the economy in the liberated areas being organized? Especially manywomen at the programs asked various questions concerning the role ofwomen in the revolution and what the party is doing to also change thethinking and privileges of men. In Norway, many individuals from NGOswho either have been to Nepal or have connections there asked manyquestions around the various false reports about the "abuse of humanrights", the "kidnapping of children", and the "persecution ofintellectuals". Beyond all of this, proletarians and especially many ofthe Nepalis attending the programs were deeply concerned about how tofurther build international support for the people of Nepal and therevolution going on there.This was exactly the main purpose of the speaking tour and Vermaremarked that he was very impressed with the broad range of people whoshowed up at the programs and is very optimistic about raising moresupport for the revolutionary and democratic developments in South Asia.Verma was especially impressed by the attendance of many youth at theprograms and the spirit they incorporated to build and support theprograms. "I had a completely wrong impression of the youth in Europe,but after meeting so many spirited young male and female individuals onthe tour, it has given me a tremendous amount of hope for the future,"he said.Overall, Mr Verma summed up the tour as a big success. "This speakingtour was definitely worth it and it is something that we can build on inthe future," he commented.

11 Th anniversayr of Nepal's people's war

2006-03-04T19:20:00.002-08:00

11 Th anniversayr of Nepal's people's war

2006-03-04T19:20:00.001-08:00

People's demostration cmpaign in Rapti

2006-03-04T19:20:00.000-08:00

Nepal Revolution: A Road for the People

2006-01-29T21:09:00.000-08:00

Nepal Revolution: A Road for the People

Under the initiative of the popularly elected Magarat Autonomous People’s Republican Government (MAPRG), in the main base area of revolution in Nepal, a colossal 91 Kilometre road construction is being carried out bye tens of thousands of people. The project has not only provided a much neeede4d transportation like but has also encouraged international support for the revolution in Nepal. In addition to the People’s Liberation Army, mass organisations, different fronts and departments and people from around the world have participated in this project.

Revolution in Nepal, emanating from the Nepalese people, under the leadership of the communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), is getting rid of the old state across the entire countryside. This revolution is giving a powerful and liberati9ng message to people around the world: you can rise up and take your destiny into your own hands.

There is an inexhaustible courage, energy and creativity in the unity and labour of the masses, which can turn the imperialist system all over the world upside down. This is a real power that makes human history. Along its path, the revolution in Nepal has not only destroyed the old state, but has simultaneously created and built a new one.

We invite you to join us in this public meeting, where on e of the participants in the road project in Nepal will talk about the magnificent transformation talking place there and how conscious masses are getting rid of the old society and building a new one.

Rolpa Road

2006-01-29T21:00:00.000-08:00

New Article Of Prachanda and Dr Baburam Bhattrai

2006-01-27T20:50:00.000-08:00

ON IMPERIALISM AND THE PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION

Despite the capitalist class essence remains the same; the imperialism in its course of development has been acquiring new forms and shapes. To exploit and oppress economically, politically, culturally and militarily the broad masses of people of the earth in the form of a single globalize state has become the main specificity of today’s imperialism. The world that had been influenced, on the one hand, by the wave of national liberation, democratic and socialist movement around the Second World War and the inter-imperialist rivalry during the cold war, on the other, has now been entrapped in the sole hegemony of the US imperialism.

Owing to the main factors like, the defeat of new democratic and socialist states that were developed in the course of the first wave of World Proletarian Revolution in the power struggle against the state-owned bureaucrat capitalism, the establishment of unparalleled economic and mainly military superiority of the US imperialism over other main imperialist countries, the control of multinational finance capital upon the national capital and economy of the third world countries and the intensification of worldwide cultural intervention by means of the monopoly in information technology etc. the aforesaid hegemony has been maintained.

As a consequence of this form of globalize state of the US imperialism, the international values and norms, methods and rules and structures that were developed after the Second World War have been weakening. Following 9/11, the US imperialism, by raising a stern question of either ‘you are with or against us’ before every nation or group based on ideology, declared war openly. In spite of worldwide protest, the fascist intervention carried upon Afghanistan and Iraq and the all-round threat against a country or political movement that is in line with their own national interest or fundamental ideological conviction have been undoubtedly justifying the aforesaid facts.

This fascist form of the US imperialism, in its essence, has been erected upon the foundation of a serious ideological crisis. Being divorced from a number of bourgeois values they had until 70s, and encouraging sheer religious blindness, the imperialist ringleaders with its support are attempting to rule now. The obligation that it has to sustain with medieval blind ideology in the context when the science has acquired al-round development in the 21^st century and the declaration of so-called crusade against so-called terrorism by George Bush clarify the depth of ideological crisis of imperialism. From this, the historical reason by which the imperialism has come up viciously against the progressive and scientific aspiration of today’s human being becomes clear.

To whatever degree the publicity of this new form of globalize imperialism is made as a new era of human being’s progress, the innumerable living facts, experience and practice have proved it to be nothing other than a new, naked and contemptible form of colonization. Having been intensified the process of a handful of capitalists becoming trillionire and billions of poor being trapped in poverty after 90s, the statistics of the World Bank too has clarified that the gap between rich and poor has become appalling. Today, the living standard of 1.6 billion of people has declined qualitatively than that of 90s. Children, who could be saved from preliminary treatment, are dying 30 thousands a day. More than 800 million people are suffering from malnutrition and two-third of this number cannot survive beyond 40. Forget about education, 250 million children from the third world are forced to work as child-slaves to manage eating twice a day. Tens of thousands of young ladies are being pushed into prostitution daily. Hundreds of millions of unemployed youths are wandering as modern slaves in the globalize labour market for their livelihood. In this way, the imperialist new world order of privatisation, liberalization and globalisation justifies the only fact that it has been intensifying the process of frying huge majority of the masses in the world in a single earthen pot.

Another important aspect that needs to pay attention to is that the US imperialist’s globalize state, which has been developed by establishing its military bases in 140 countries, has naturally made the worldwide resistance and rebellion necessary and possible qualitatively. Today, any national liberation, democratic or socialist movement is not possible to succeed in any country of the world unless it does not advance as an inseparable part of the world people’s resistance. No time in the history had been the objective situation so broadly prepared as of now for the practical application of the great proletarian principle of internationalism. From the people of United States of America to those of all the continents in the world are being victimized of the same kind of globalize imperialist exploitation, oppression and aggression. From the resistance developing in Iraq, as a new Vietnam, and Afghanistan to the revolutionary movements in Nepal, India, Peru, Turkey and Philippines; to the chain of people’s protest and discontent rising from the masses of the people in America to those in Europe, the US imperialism and their agents, the domestic rulers, have been the only common enemy of the people everywhere.

In South Asia, revolutionary democratic and national liberation movements against the expansionist Indian ruling class, which has been kneeling down before the US imperialism, are intensifying. In this context, the formation of C.P.I. (Maoist) through the unification of two important parties leading people’s war since long deserves special mention. Also the contradiction is deepening, since some time before, between the Nepalese autocratic feudal monarchy and the Indian ruling class is liable to take into account. Chinese revisionist capitalist rulers that have been achieving economic growth by submitting their market’s key to the US imperialism are involved in a tricky process of expanding their influence in South Asia.

The aforesaid objective situation clarifies the maturity of material environment in which people’s new socialist world order can be established by destroying the imperialist world order completely. But, however critical situation it may be in objectively, the imperialism will not collapse spontaneously or by its own. For that, along with scientific ideological leadership, conscious push and use of force is imperative. Historically proved scientific fact is that that kind of leadership is not possible from any other class, community or ideology except international proletarian class and its revolutionary ideology. But, in the present transitional situation, when the first wave of World Proletarian Revolution has been over in the 20^th century itself and a new wave is in the horizon, the proletarian movement too is facing the challenge of developing ideology. The problem of leadership in the world proletarian movement is inseparably linked with this challenge.

The attention of the internationalist revolutionaries of the 21^st century must be focused seriously on the fact that the analysis Lenin and Mao had made on imperialism and a number of concepts they had developed on its basis regarding proletarian strategy have lagged behind. Following the Second World War, the inter-imperialist rivalry and Lenin’s analysis on the nature of war that continues among them to divide and re-divide a certain part of the world and the proletarian strategy built up as well on its basis; and following the cold war, the analysis of the situation that Mao made on Three World, even though in a tactical sense, do not basically exist now. The situation of the US imperialism, which is advancing as a globalize state, has caused Lenin’s and Mao’s analysis to lag behind on the same manner how the development of imperialism in Lenin’s time had made Marx’s the then analysis and strategy, based on his analysis of capitalism, that revolution will take place firstly and simultaneously in the developed European countries, to lag behind. This is the principal issue for developing MLM in the 21^st century and determining new proletarian strategy. Without focusing attention to this question, no challenges of the world revolution now can be confronted.

However, it should not be meant that the contradiction among different imperialist powers and reactionary cliques has been over. Definitely, this contradiction also exists and will exist and the proletariat must be paying attention to it. Nevertheless, today’s world is being decided by not this but the US imperialism, on the one side, and the world-struggle against it, on the other. The necessity of developing the concept of South Asian Soviet Federation in the 21^st century to the concept of World Federation and waging every country’s national liberation, democratic and socialist movement under it is the burning necessity of today.

Following comrade Mao’s death and restoration of capitalism in China, the international communist movement, on the one hand, mainly fell prey to different forms of right revisionism and, on the other, to mechanical dogmatism, which, by eulogizing old things and experiences, prattle them only. Even now, struggling against these trends in the international communist movement, overall development of MLM is necessary. It is clear that development is possible only by applying the scientific weapon of dialectical materialism. It is necessary to grasp the fact that the dialectical materialism is a means to constantly develop proletarian ideology against bourgeois pluralism and dogma to-revisionism.

Certainly, the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM), which has come forward with a resolve of defending, applying and developing the basic principles of MLM, has played important role ideologically. But, extensive study, debate and struggle is necessary to make it reach at the role of a real leadership to the world revolution by developing it to the level of New Communist International capable to face challenges of the 21^st century.

Grasping firmly the reality that the necessity, possibility and importance of international movement has increased in the particularity of present world imperialism, our glorious party, the CPN (Maoist), as a party successfully leading People’s War since the past ten years, has a big responsibility in its shoulder to develop ideology and international communist movement. Accepting the reality that our party’s international role had been week in the past compared to necessity, it is necessary now to heighten our initiative towards that direction. Grasping the reality that the future of Nepalese revolution is inseparable with the development of the international movement party must develop a concrete working plan.

VIEWS

WHY DID THE CEASEFIRE COME TO AN END?

The unilateral ceasefire declared by the Nepal Communist Party (Maoist) on September 3, 2005 has ended on January 2, 2006. The end of ceasefire, which was initially declared for three months and was extended for one more month, has led to a number of questions such as what was the purpose behind the announcement of ceasefire and why did it come to an end; what will be the future of 12-point understanding after the end of ceasefire; to which direction the political situation of the country will move in future; etc.

King Gyanendra has tried (and has still been trying) to justify the essence of his regressive move by claiming that his decision to implement the dictatorial rule first indirectly on October 4, 2003 and then directly on February 1, 2005 was mainly directed towards exorcising the ghost of Maoist 'terrorism'. It was not strange that the King with his background of a businessperson would try to profit himself hugely by using the 'terrorism' card as he has been thrilled to see many dictators around the world being able to conceal their crimes under the blanket of the so-called campaign against terrorism led by the US after September 11. It was unfortunate and a big joke made over history that the ones who were responsible for the royal massacre and the incident of February 1 would try to appear as the messiah against terrorism. However, a big chunk of the current urban population which has, on the one hand, not fully recovered from the nauseating impact of the Cold War, and on the other, been affected by the television and Internet culture, was finding it difficult to distinguish a freedom fighter from a terrorist. Therefore, it had become essential to take political and diplomatic initiatives to expose the terrorist face of the autocratic monarchy and the royal army and to clarify the progressive democratic political character containing some practical inadequacies and defects of the Maoist revolutionaries. This was the first and foremost purpose of ceasefire announcement of September 2, which has been proved magnificently during the period of past four months, and has already become a history.

The next important purpose of the ceasefire declaration was to honestly seek progressive political way out and to honor people's desire for democracy and peace. From the very beginning of people's war, which started ten years ago, we have been clarifying our conviction that war is not an end but only an instrument. We have also repeatedly made it clear and that our ultimate objective remains to be progressive restructuring of the state with solutions to the problems of nationalism, democracy and people's livelihood. The much discussed forty-point demands which we put forward in 1996 and our proposal presented during the past negotiations of 2002 and 2003 are the evidence of this conviction. These demands have finally been incorporated into the three points which are: broad national political summit, interim government, and the election of constituent assembly. These basic political demands familiar to the history of the world could not be fulfilled in Nepal due to the lack of foresight and competence of the political parties in the beginning, and due to the stubbornness of the autocratic monarchy and its feeder army later on. The country and people are being obliged to bear great trouble and sacrifices due to this. It is also true that the growth of non-revolutionary tendency and behavior within the revolutionary forces especially during the later phase of the struggle seems to have created hatred, indifference and distrust among people against the political forces. This had shadowed our political objective and ideology to some extent. In this situation, concrete initiatives were necessary for the progressive political way out by strengthening the relationship with people so that we could address their desire for peace and democracy while not compromising on the declared political objective and ideology. The ceasefire declaration of September 3 was a concrete _expression of this, and it helped to expedite political and diplomatic efforts by bringing closer the political way out for democracy, peace and forward movement in the form of 12-point historic understanding. Of course, the implementation of 12-point understanding and progressive political way out have not realized due to the obtuseness and obstinacy of autocratic elements. However, the political and diplomatic initiatives and people's nationwide efforts, which became possible during the four-months-long ceasefire, have brought the agenda of the end of autocratic rule and progressive political way out closer to implementation.

The question may arise here: What brings the declared political way out closer, continuation of ceasefire or the end of it? There can be a lot of debate about this. Some international forces have argued that the declared progressive way out can be brought closer by extending ceasefire, although unilaterally. But, according to our party's opinion, further extension of unilateral ceasefire cannot be helpful, but it can only be insidious for democracy, peace and progressive movement. The situation would be different if the ceasefire had been reciprocated by the government and if the King had accepted the 12-point understanding. However, since the ceasefire became only unilateral; the King and pro-monarchs, rather than supporting the 12-point understanding, stood against it; the royal army came out with aggressive activities in Rolpa and all over the country; and efforts continued to provide legitimacy to the army rule through the so-called municipal election, it is now clear that the extension of ceasefire cannot benefit the country and the people. Rather, like the old saying- ladder to the monkey –it is clear that such act could eventually help the royal autocratic rule. In such situation our party decided to end the ceasefire unilaterally after informing all concerned parties.

In this context, all democratic forces must pay attention to some serious issues. First, the incidents after 1950 and the series of negotiations and ceasefires held at different times after the beginning of people's war have made it clear that the existing royal army would never stand for democracy as long as it is under the command of the King, and that it would also not accept the demand of the election of constituent assembly. This is the major reason behind the frequent betrayals received by the parliamentary parties from the King and the failures of our past negotiations with the old regime. If, by ignoring this historically illustrated fact, anyone continues to hold the illusion that 'full democracy' can be established even when the existing elitist form of the army remains unchanged and the King's control over it continues, nobody can be more obtuse and more dishonest than this person. Except for his absolute control over the royal army there is no other reason behind the King's stubbornness and reluctance to seek progressive way out ignoring the pressure of the whole international community and popular opinion against him during the last ceasefire. The direct meaning and conclusion of this is that the royal army should be the major target of all democratic movements. There is absolutely no use of attacking the monarchy while sparing the army. The recent massacre at Nagarkot has already illustrated the fact that peace cannot be established and the people's lives and property cannot be secured until the royal army exists. A recently published report of the office of the auditor general, which states that 7263 million Nepalese rupees remains unaccounted in the army assistance fund, provides a small hint to how deep the higher echelon of the royal army leadership has plunged into financial irregularity and corruption. Perhaps, nobody knows how many millions or trillions of rupees is illegally appropriated while purchasing arms and ammunitions and while sending the soldiers to the UN peacekeeping mission. Moreover, the royal army can never adopt democratic characters until Shah, Rana and Gorkhali courtiers continue to dominate its higher echelon. In such circumstances, all real democrats should seriously hold that full democracy or democratic republicanism cannot be established in the country unless the royal army is dissolved and a new national army is formed. The progressive political way out is not possible unless we realize this fact and break the backbone of the army and our party has reached to the conclusion that there is no alternative to end the ceasefire to achieve this goal.

The second important issue to consider is that the progressive political way out based on 12-point understanding cannot be realized through the pressure of peaceful popular movement in the regime dominated by the present King, his notorious son, the army involved in the Nagarkot massacre, and the former Mandales (pro-palace hoodlums) who now occupy the positions of ministers and administrators. The valid concern that the royal army would follow the measures of intense repression and bloodshed once the peaceful people's movement reaches its apex has been expressed by the United Nations, the responsible authorities of the European Union and the US Senator Patrick Leahy, and we cannot describe their concern as insignificant. In this situation it will be an unforgivable mistake of the political leadership if they do not make necessary preparations for meaningful resistance against the royal army's repression and mass killing. Therefore, all should seriously think about the historic necessity of a new action plan which can appropriately coordinate people's peaceful movement and armed resistance. In this context, our party has reached to the conclusion that by extending the ceasefire people, who are becoming ready to be involved in the decisive movement for achieving democratic republicanism, should not be deprived from their right to retaliate against the almost certain armed oppression.

Thirdly, all democratic forces need to be united to make the tactics of the King unsuccessful as he is now committed to hold the meaningless election of the so-called municipal councils while ignoring the vivid national problems. As the drama of election is going to be staged within the barracks of the royal army, an ordinary boycott will not be enough to make it unsuccessful. Therefore, as we use thorn to remove thorn, armed retaliation of the people is necessary to destroy the slapstick of election which is going to be held within the army barracks and our decision to end the ceasefire is based on our analysis that the extension of ceasefire would be suicidal in such circumstances. Moreover, it becomes a minimum responsibility of the people's liberation army to resist against the terrorism being enacted by the royal army over people all over the country including Rolpa.

Given this overall situation, the extension of ceasefire without any political way out would be culminated as the mere assistance to autocracy- a mistake which a revolutionary party cannot afford to make. Our foreign friends who are requesting us to extend our unilateral ceasefire and to be optimistic about the King must understand this as, like a modern Nero, the King is busy visiting African countries and the Eastern Region at the time when important political decision has become inevitable.

As far as the concern about the difficulty in the execution of 12-point understanding after the breach of ceasefire is concerned, we see no contradiction on this. This is because the first point –"understanding has been made to focus attacks against the autocratic monarchy independently, and bring it to an end and establish full democracy by intensifying the ongoing democratic movement across the country" -is the essence of this understanding. It is not difficult to understand even for the obtuse that the term 'independently' refers to the armed attack by the force involved in the people's war and armless attack by the forces involved in people's movement. Moreover, the 12-point understanding nowhere includes, and cannot include, any provision for obligatory ceasefire. On the contrary, it is easy to understand that we first need to destroy the military power to end the monarchy which has become autocratic due to the support it receives from the army. Therefore, nobody should fall into the misapprehension that the 12-point understanding will end along with the end of ceasefire, and the true democratic forces need to be ready to counter the false impressions which the royal regime may try its best to spread.

The differences, which exist between the seven political parties and the Maoists about the form of the struggle, may certainly create some practical difficulties even after their agreement on the common minimum program of democracy, peace and progressive move. Problems may arise in the task of coordinating the village-centered armed struggle and city-centered people's movement. However, all successful revolutions from all over the world have amply proved that there exists no Chinese wall between rural and urban; and armed and unarmed movements, and they have to be transformed into one another at a certain time. The inadequacy of our past movements of 1950 and 1990 have also proved that proper coordination of rural and urban; and armed and unarmed movements is not only necessary but also unavoidable to bring the autocratic monarchy to an end and for establishing full democracy or democratic republicanism. This is probably the biggest challenge facing the democratic forces at the moment, and the leaders of our political parties will be tested through this historic ordeal

There is a high probability that next few months will be the most important period in the whole history of Nepal. The most unpopular King of the Nepalese history and the royal army are preparing to fight against the power of the people who support democracy. The King's recent activities prove that he is unwilling to bow down to people, but is ready to stake his throne. The King's arrogance and obstinacy even without any visible support from international power is certainly mysterious. But, in our view, it is just like the hollow bragging of a bankrupt village landlord whose calculations are based on false figures. Firstly, he might be dreaming to buy off the leaders of major parliamentary parties once again, or of breaking those parties apart. Secondly, he may be finally conceiving of receiving international support against the Maoists in the name of cracking down on 'terrorism'. But the feudal and regressive consciousness of the King has not allowed him to understand that this is 2006, not 1961, and that the Maoists, instead of being the mechanical and orthodox communists of 20^th century, are the dynamic and creative revolutionaries of the 21^st century. Therefore, it is certain that a huge storm against the monarchy is soon going to erupt. The atmosphere of democratic republicanism has already developed in the country. Some leaders who still hold the hangover of ceremonial monarchy will have to choose between listening to the voices of their own party cadres and people or be swept aside by history. The King has already chosen his path by brushing aside the 12-point understanding. It is the turn of the seven parties and the Maoists to choose their path. The announcement of the end of ceasefire is the conch -blowing of the same. Let all be aware!

(This article was published in Jana Astha weekly) -Baburam Bhattarai

January 2006

VIEWS

THE BREAKDOWN OF CEASEFIRE

Finally, the four month long ceasefire, on behalf of the Party CPNM, broke down on January 2. This was announced by Chairman Prachanda through a public statement. The Party had entered three month unilateral ceasefire on September 2005 and one month extension on December 1. It may be recalled that the Party had extended into ceasefire with respect to peace and for the sake of full democracy (democratic republic).

On behalf of the entire Party, Com. Prachanda, Chairman of the Party and Supreme Commander of PLA, would like to express its heartfelt gratitude to the entire pro-democracy and pro-peace forces who have welcomed and supported the ceasefire, in and outside of the country, for it has taken up a responsible initiative for a peaceful and forward-looking political way out for the civil war with the conviction of multiparty democracy.

"The royal state, exhibiting terrible feudal obstinacy and totalitarianism, remained stuck in persevering with military terror against the country and people. The royal army that had been killing unarmed cadres in its custody in the different places of the country including Palpa and Morang during the first three months killed, at the last phase, up to comrade Kim Bahadur Thapa (Sunil), a popular leader of our party by an air attack. In the later one-month period, the so-called royal army, exhibiting more fascist character, at the last, going through Nagarkot massacre, has been adventuring to maintain a reign of terror against the people in the name of military operation in Rolpa, and barbarous acts like looting of people's shops and blazing houses are being carried on. In the same manner, the royal army has already come forward with a strategy of carrying out land and air attack by encircling the detachments of our People's Liberation Army, which has been in a defensive situation all across the country now. ", said Chairman Prachada in a statement.

As a result of a new situation emerged in question of saving not only for people's democracy and peace against the feudal autocracy but also self-defence of people and People Liberation Army by Gyanendra and his cannibalistic gang (Nagarkot, Pokhara and other parts of countries bloody massacre, which has done by RNA, has been proved it) end of four month truce is the party's obligation.

Chairman Pranchanda has issued a press statement dealing with ceasefire truce. The full text of the statement issued on March 27, 2002, is as follows:

"The period of one month's ceasefire extended after three months, on the behalf of our party, has also been over. Our party would like to express its heartfelt gratitude to the entire pro-democracy and pro-peace forces that have welcomed and supported the ceasefire, in and outside of the country, for it has taken up a responsible initiative for a peaceful and forward-looking political way out for the civil war with the conviction of multiparty democracy. In the meantime, a 12-point understanding between our party and seven parliamentarian political parties, for a movement of democracy and peace, has been achieved and the people have ratified this. Amid this, our party has carried out very positive interaction on our understanding and conviction towards democracy and peace with different international institutions, organisations and forces including the UNO and a number of understandings have been built around it.

As a result of the aforesaid new situation, extensive requests had been made from in and outside of the country to the feudal autocratic royal power to return back to democracy and peace with a positive response to the ceasefire. But, the royal state, exhibiting terrible feudal obstinacy and totalitarianism, remained stuck in persevering with military terror against the country and people. The royal army that had been killing unarmed cadres in its custody in the different places of the country including Palpa and Morang during the first three months killed, at the last phase, up to comrade Kim Bahadur Thapa (Sunil), a popular leader of our party by an air attack. In the later one-month period, the so-called royal army, exhibiting more fascist character, at the last, going through Nagarkot massacre, has been adventuring to maintain a reign of terror against the people in the name of military operation in Rolpa, and barbarous acts like looting of people's shops and blazing houses are being carried on. In the same manner, the royal army has already come forward with a strategy of carrying out land and air attack by encircling the detachments of our People's Liberation Army, which has been in a defensive situation all across the country now.

This ground reality clarifies our obligation that we have to go into offensive, by calling off ceasefire, not only for people's democracy and peace against the feudal autocracy but also for the self-defence of the People's Liberation Army. We deeply understand and honour the appeal made by the institutions including the UNO and EU to extend the ceasefire. Likewise, we also understand and admire the request made by peace-loving institutions within the country and Nepali Congress (Democratic), one of the constituents of agitating seven political parties, in the context of its convention, to extend the ceasefire. But, in the backdrop of aforesaid fascistic new activities of the royal army, we request to take seriously the reality that it has been not only impossible for us to extend, despite our wish, the ceasefire but also is going to become suicidal to do so and appeal to all to raise voice forcefully against this situation. With this appeal, we declare that the ceasefire of our party has been called off.

What we want to clarify here is that our forthcoming military actions will be targeted against the autocratic royal power only. For an immediate sense, our military actions will be targeted upon the royal army and its hired informers that are going to stage a drama of so-called municipality election aimed at covering up their autocracy. Also we want here to repeat our conviction that we will assist as far as possible the peaceful movement of seven political parties and contribute to advancing forward the 12-point understanding to our capacity. Here we want also to clarify that if the process of making the people sovereign through the election of interim government and constituent assembly by means of a broad national political convention or round table conference is ascertained, our party will remain prepared to contribute for a peaceful political way out by calling off ceasefire at any point. But, if the terrorist acts of the autocratic feudal elements like Gyanendra-Paras and their military gang that had brought the last negotiation to a break by means of the Dorambha massacre and call off of the present ceasefire by Rolpa operation continue we would like to repeat our determination to continue fighting till the end in favor of Nepal and Nepalese people. In the present context when, Nepalese people's emancipation has been seen impossible without raising guns against those of feudal autocracy, there is no other alternative than creating a storm of peaceful and armed movement. Therefore, our party strongly appeals the broad masses to unite with the goal of wiping out forever the feudal autocratic monarchy for the sake of democracy, peace and progress. Right to rebel against the feudal atrocity is the biggest human right of the Nepalese people at present. Hence, we appeal the UNO, international community and the world masses to honour and support this right. "

Prachanda

Chairman

Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)

CALL FOR NEPAL BANDH (GENERAL SHUT-DOWN)

ON FEBRUARY 5 - 11

On the heel of the breakdown of unilateral ceasefire, the Party, and Preparatory Committee for Broad National Political Conference [United Revolutionary People’s Council (URPC)] have announced a series of struggle programmes against the genocide royal regime's Municipal election and pave the way out to the election for Constitution Assembly called for Nepal Bandh (general shut-down) on February 5 to 11. A joint statement issued by Party Chairman and Supreme Commander of the PLA Com. Prachanda and Com. Baburam Bhattarai, Coordinator of the Preparatory Committee for Broad National Political Conference of URPC, on December 22, 2005 has flash out the programme and its slogans of struggle. They strongly requested to all Nepali citizens to disrupt the local municipal elections and pave the way out to the election for Constitution Assembly.

The full text of the statement is as follows:-

"Autocracy or Democracy? This issue has stood for Nepal and Nepalese as question of life or death. All doors of peaceful political solution have been closed by the repressive, autocratic and dictators of the Palace faction and forced people into a do or die condition. With higher responsibility of people’s wishes and desire for peace and democracy and create a peaceful environment for political way out, the (Maoist) party had announced the ceasefire. But in return how and what did the Royal government and their armed forces offer? One of the dedicated and popular leaders of the Party Comrade Kim Bahadur Thapa (Sunil) and several others unarmed political activists have been killed and lately in Nagarkot, King Gyanendra’s regime has dreadfully massacred and given answers to ceasefire. For democracy and peace, CPN( Maoists) and seven Parliamentary Parties have agreed upon 12 points agenda but Royal autocratic government has declared from Tulsi Giri a shadow of Partyless Panchayati System and disclosed their character of tyranny and suppression. This autocratic government has tried and forced to the people working at different sectors of society like Communications, Information Developments and many others to follow them to their service by bringing ordinance one after another. The international organizations and people who put their views and opinions for peace and democracy have been neglected but government has been working to expand military cruelty and close relationship with religious fundamentalists.

Due to these situations, all groups of Nepalese society including all caste, creed, region, gender from people have to come forward to save the country and for future generation for the final and decisive struggle and revolution and there is no other option. If we look at the history, people have struggled to overthrow and dispose the autocratic and dictatorial Monarchy and paved the way for peaceful, developed and democratic nation. The Government has looked at the announced of ceasefire and 12 points agreement as a weakness and a ploy, which clearly shows that they are against peace and democracy. The election of Constituent Assembly is a popular democratic process which we mentioned to conduct under International supervision but the Royal government has rejected our proposal and wants to play with the blood of the people to show their character. They are showing their criminal faces and announced for local municipal elections to cover them. These facts have made it crystal clear that in the solid context of Nepal the Royal Government and their armed forces are illegitimate and terrorist camps. Obviously, to fight against the dictatorial Royal criminal government forces is the people’s legitimate and democratic rights and responsibilities.

Hence, we have asked the United Nations and other international communities to stop support and contact with Royal Government and we request legitimate support on our 12 points agenda of people’s aspiration for peace and democracy. We appeal to all people, caste, creed, gender, region and all groups, to come forward for the end of corrupt autocracy. For the new process and establishment of democratic republic, the election for the constitutional assembly will pave the way out and we urge to create vigorous struggle to all to overthrow Royal government. We request all educated and informed groups of the society and people to support us that this royal autocratic government will not be able to see the Nepali New Year. We request all the soldiers of the Royal Nepal Army and other security forces to rebel against Gyanendra, Paras and other royal army generals who are making millions and billions of amounts, and support the pro-people patriotic forces. We specially request all military and armed forces all to stand for people and democracy to fight against them and show nationalism and people’s power. The army men, officials should understand that in this 21^st century we are educated and informed and we need to know that we are responsible and work for the people not for the autocratic, criminal and corrupt King Gyandendra and Paras. With our duties, we need to stand for the modern, scientific and constitutional Nepal and people.

Finally, we strongly request all Nepali citizens to disrupt the local municipal elections and pave the way out to the election for Constitution Assembly.

With all those above mentioned appeals, we issue struggle programs against royal autocratic regime as follows:

Struggle Programs

Paush 7 to Paush end, Publicity and information

Magh 1 – 12, People’s gathering, participation, talk programs

Magh- 13-22, People’s punishment programs (The officials and candidates involved in so called municipal elections will be punished)

Magh 23- 29 – National strike (transportation, market, education institutions, industries and offices)

Note: Other additional programs may also be announced through other people and regional organizations and also programs to support the programs of seven parliamentary parties

Slogans:

End of autocratic and feudal monarchy and establish democratic republic.
Disrupt announced municipal elections, prepare for constitution assembly
Implement 12 point understanding and work for united revolution

Date: 22 December, 2005

Prachanda

Chairman

CPN (Maoist) and Supreme Commander, People's Liberation Army Nepal

Baburam Bhattarai

Coordinator

Preparatory Committee for Broad National Political Conference

United Revolutionary People's Council, Nepal

MILITARY ACTIONS ROCK THE COUNTRY

After the breakdown of unilateral ceasefire, intensive military actions by the People Liberation Army (PLA) have rocked the country since than. Everyday dozens of military actions, mostly in the form of charismatic commando attack, sabotage and annihilations, have taken place in almost all the urban center of the country. The discernible new trend has been to focus the military actions more in the cities and Terai (plain) areas and carry out more of decentralized actions, which has spread panic on the enemy headquarter. Among them, commando raid in the main entrance gate of Kathmandu valley, Phaparbari of Makawanpur, Nepal Gunj and Kailali's are significant fighting at this incident.

On January 14 at 5:40 P.M, PLA stormed into the police check post (2K.M. near unified command base camp) at Thankot, right on the periphery of the capital, Kathmandu, within minutes. Thankot is the major overland entry point to Kathmandu. PLA, also simultaneous raided on same day at the same time at Dadhikot a police post, in Bhaktapur district, second main entrance gate of Kathmandu valley. Total of 17 policemen were Dadhikot stationed during the time of offensive. Courageous attacked simultaneously after entering the police office and check post at Thankot, and 14 policemen including one Inspector were killed in these two separate and all arms and ammunitions were captured by PLA. There were over 40 police personals were stationed at the Thankot check post during the time of surprise PLA raid. These coordinated attacks launched by selected Urban Special Task Force of Bethan Memorial Fifth Brigade under the Valley Central Command. Meanwhile, the PLA launched similar attacks at ward police posts in Kirtipur Municipal office; ward no 9 of Lalitpur municipality at Chyasal, ward no 6 office of Kathmandu metropolitan at Bouddha, and Sankhu at same evening. There has been no casualty on the part of the PLA.

This is the first major assault on criminal Gyanendra and his butcher company in the Kathmandu valley by the PLA after the breakdown of the four-month-long unilateral ceasefire. In December 2004, PLA had assaulted a police post at Sankhu at the outskirts of Kathmandu killing four police personnel. Referring to 14^th Jan attacks in the Kathmandu valley, in-charge of the "Valley Central Command", Com. Ananta, in a statement issued, said, "This is the beginning of our military strategy to strike the enemy's head." Com Ananta also reiterate the party's "commitment" to work in unity with the seven parliamentary parties, the civil society, and all democratic and left forces of the country to end the "feudal monarchy" and establish a "democratic republic."

Another heroic successful attacked on 20 Jan evening (around 6:15 P.M.) in the various parts of Nepalgunj Municipality, headquarters of the mid-western old state security forces. B.P. Chock base station and Jamunaiha police post (check post near Nepal India border) were completely destroyed. At least 6 armed policemen were killed at that fight. The PLA have seized various types of 11 weapons and arms. At least six policemen were killed and three others injured when Nepalese heroes attacked two Police Check Posts in Nepalgunj, in Mid-Western Nepal. Once again, Revolutionary fighters launched massive attacks at almost all the royal security posts in Nepalgunj on Jan 24^th evening. The fighters simultaneously attacked ward, district and zonal police offices, police training center, District Administration Office, along with army’s posts with courageous ideological weapons at around 8.15 p.m. that evening. At least six security personnel were killed and eight others were injured in the attack. One PLA fighters attained martyrdom during that fighting. This is a second major attack within one week in Nepalgung.

As part of a series of attacks on old-government offices, the PLA sabotaged Biratnagar Sub-Metropolitan office and MechiNagar Municipality on Jan 21. On 14^th Jan night, PLA sabotage the house of Chief of RNA PyarJung Thapa at Besigau, Jorpati in the Kthmandu valley. Similarly, the PLA on 14^th night bombed the old state's Dadeldhura District Development Committee office and Amargadhi Municipality simultaneously in far western region.

In some of the most heroic money-actions more than 3 million rupees were captured from government-owned commercial banks in Birendranagar, Surkhet district located just a few hundred meters away from the RNA barracks, on first weak of Jan.

Similarly, revolutionary fighters have caused bomb explosions and destroyed the relay tower of the old state-owned Nepal Television at Hetauda on 18^th Jan. They exploded bombs at the relay tower located at ward no. 9 of Hetauda municipality at around 5 p. m. that evening.

Within the last fifteen days, successful raids and annihilations were carried out against police outposts and old state strategic regime base office (District Development Office and Municipality Office) in Meachi to Mahakali, specially terai region and elsewhere. Dozens of police (civil and armed) and RNA soldiers were killed in successful clashes in Shyangja, Makwanpur, Nepalgunj, ect, and several informers annihilated. A series of high sabotages against the government offices in more than dozens of districts as well as Kathmandu valley on 1^st January to till date and PLA broke down the spine of the reactionaries.

Apart from these innumerable decentralized actions throughout the length and breadth of the country, a major encounter took place with a 300 strong RNA force (with ranger battalion) at Jhurijhure in Phaparbari (Makawanpur) on January 21. In one of the longest exercise of positional warfare extending overnight at 19 hours, the valiant PLA fighters successfully repulsed the RNA mercenaries, killing 64, injuring more than 50 and capturing thousands of rounds of precious ammunitions and other equipments. 22 PLA fighters with battalion assistant commissar Com. Kalyan, company Commander Com. Rabin, company vice Commander Com. Shikhar attained glorious martyrdom during the process. "The PLA have seized various types of weapons and explosives including LMG, INSAS, more than five thousands bullet and logistics from the clash site," said Com. Ananta (In-charge, Valley Central Command, CPN-Maoist and Deputy Commander PLA).

PEOPLE CHANTED- GENOCIDE GYNENDRA QUIT NEPAL!

In Kathmandu, thousands of the people under the leadership of the seven-party alliance staged a protest demonstration in Basantapur Durbar Square and New Road in the capital Kathmandu on Jan 21. Protest rallies were taken out from various corners of the town that afternoon despite police intervention at various intersections resulting in clashes between the protestors and the police.

The protester chanted anti-king and pro-republican slogans. "We want democracy. Down with genocide Gynendra! Down with police repression! Autocracy will collapse! Long Live - Peoples' Unity!" they chanted. The pro-democracy vanguard activists also burnt tires at various intersections in the town, while students and police pelted stones, bricks at one another at several places.

The royal security personnel detained hundreds political leaders, cadres and supporter people from the demonstrations. Over dozens of activists of the alliance were injured when police intervened and baton-charged the peaceful gatherings at Bashantapur Durbar Square and New Road areas in the capital that afternoon. Security forces detained over 500 leaders and cadres of the alliance on Thursday (19^th Jan) morning to foil the alliance's protest demonstration set for Friday (20^th Jan).

On 16 Jan, in a clear bid to foil the seven-party alliance's protest demonstration in the capital on January 20, the genocide royal regime banned rallies, demonstrations and other political gatherings in the areas inside the capital's Ring Road since the so-called "Maoist infiltration" in seven parties' mass movement. But CPN-Maoist has dismissed royal regime claim that the PLA are planning to infiltrate on Jan 20's mass meeting being organized by the seven political party alliance's mass movement.

In a statement issued on 18^th Jan, Chairman Comrade Prachanda has expressed commitment that the party will not indulge in activities including use of force, infiltration or any other provocative activities during Friday’s (Jan 21^st) mass meet organized by the seven political party alliances. Com. Chairman reiterated that "our party’s full support to the peaceful protest programmes being launched by the political parties in line with the 12-point understanding between our party and the seven political party alliances."Our party would again like to make it clear that there will be nothing like the use of force, infiltration or any other provocative activities from our side in the January 20 peaceful protest demonstration of the seven political parties,' Com. Prachanda said in a statement.

"If the autocratic feudal regime gives continuity to its ban orders and repressive measures, despite this announcement of ours, then it becomes the right and duty of all Nepalese people to forbid it forever," the Chairman said in the statement.

Chairman also said that the government ban on public gatherings in the valley only showed the government's "defeated mentality" and appealed to the general public to defy the ban orders and participate in the Friday showdown of the seven parties.

Com. Prachanda also reiterated the party's commitment to extend full support to the political parties' peaceful protest programmes as per the 12-point understanding reached between the CPN-Maoist and the seven-party alliance.

Full text is as follows:

"The absolute feudal elements, who have been loosing common sense, are talking of ban and curfew against the people at the time, when a peaceful protest rally the seven parliamentarian political parties had declared on January 20 in Kathmandu is approaching closer. In the context when our party, avowing its determination of full support to peaceful protests of seven political parties through 12-point understanding, was keeping on its supportive conduct, the so-called curfew that has been imposed by making “Maoist” infiltration as an excuse, in fact, clarifies the cowardice, stupidity and defeated mentality only of the feudal elements. Here, our party would like to again clarify that there will in no case be instigated the activities like use of force, infiltration or exciting acts on our behalf in the peaceful protest organized by seven political parties on January 20. In spite of this assertion of ours, it comes to be a right and duty of the Nepalese people to negate the absolute feudal power forever from the Nepalese soil if it carries on with curfew and repression against the peaceful programs of the seven political parties. So, our party appeals the broad masses of the country to exhibit people’s strength by pouring down into street, defying the curfew of feudal murders. Time to obliterate forever the feudal murderers that are trying to play with blood of the people is now coming closer and it is sure that the aspiration of progress, democracy and peace of the Nepalese people will be fulfilled with the end of absolute feudal power. In this historical turning point, our party forcefully appeals the pro-people organizations, institutions and forces all over the world to raise voice in favour of democratic movement of the Nepalese people. "

January 20, 2006

Prachanda

Chairman

C.P.N. (Maoist)

Meanwhile, the alliance of seven political parties on 21 Jan. called for a nationwide general strike on January 26. A meeting of the seven-party alliance, which took place following the 21st demonstrations, made the decision calling for the strike. The strike has been called in order to protest against the royal government-imposed restrictions on civil liberties and police repression on demonstrators.

PRESS STATEMENT

(This is a press statement of CCOMPOSA released on 26^th December, 2005)

Stop State Terror against Maoists in India!

Demand Immediate Release of com. Sunil Roy, Gaurav, Kiran & Others!!

We, the Maoist Parties of South Asia strongly condemn the State terror on the people of India, particularly their vanguard, the CPI (Maoist). Ever since the merger of the two parties, the MCCI and CPI (ML (PW) {both members of the CCOMPOSA} and the formation of the united CPI (Maoist), the Central and State governments of India have been unleashing maniacal terror against it. We strongly condemn this and warn that the greater the repression the greater will be the people’s wrath.

It is now many months that the Indian government has been illegally detaining senior leader and politburo member of CPI (M) com Sunil Roy. In spite of his advanced age and poor health they are treating him like an ordinary criminal. Com. Sunil Roy (publicly known as Com. Shome) is not only a respected leader of the Indian revolutionary movement he was also known internationally, being one of the important members of the CCOMPOSA. In addition they also continue to illegally incarcerate senior leaders and politburo members of the CPN (Maoist), comrades Kiran and Gaurav and many other Nepalese Maoists.

The CCOMPOSA demands the unconditional and immediate release of these senior leaders and all other political prisoners of South Asia illegally being detained in Indian prisons.

Besides, it has recently come to our notice from the media that the Indian rulers have been unleashing a most brutal and barbaric campaign, in the name of Salwa Judum, against the tribal of Bastar (Chhatisgarh) who are under the leadership of the Maoists. It is reported the Para-military and lumpen forces led by an MLA have been resorting to terror of unspeakable nature of killing, burning, and looting. It is reported over 100 tribal have been killed and not even women and children have been spared. Their heads are being severed and stuck on their own houses to create terror. Over 30 young women have been gang-raped and six of them killed. 40 villages have been burnt down and villagers gathered and kept in Vietnamese-style strategic hamlets. The terror is reported to be going on till today. It is reminiscent of British rule in India.

The CCOMPOSA demands the immediate end to this terror, the restoration of human rights in the region, and strict action against all those responsible.

It is known that the Indian expansionists' rulers, backed by their imperialist masters, have resorted to such terror not only in India but other countries of South Asia in the past like Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and also against the nationality movements of Kashmir and the North-East. The methods adopted go against all civilized norms and will breed hatred against the Indian rulers in the entire region.

CCOMPOSA demands the immediate end to the terror in Chattisgarh and a public enquiry by an international tribunal into the so-called Salwa Judum going on since the past five months.

Co-ordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organization

Of South Asia (CCOMPOSA)

December 26, 2005

(This is a leaflet of World People's Resistance Movement on European Speaking Tour)

EUROPIAN SPEAKING TOUR- REVOLUTION IN NEPAL:

A WORLD IS POSSIBLE!

As you read this leaflet, a still little known struggle involving millions of people is taking place in Nepal that is transforming that country in the most dramatic fashion imaginable. A transformation that is seeing Nepal goes from being one of the poorest and most backward countries on the Earth to the very forefront of social change and advance on this planet. A people’s revolution is making imperialism history in Nepal!

For over a century the ruling elite in Nepal has served the British and US imperialists and Indian expansionists in exploiting the masses and plundering the natural resources of the country. Headed by a feudal monarch they have violently suppressed resistance that workers, peasants, students and intellectuals put up against exploitation and oppression. The old rotten society, a prison house of different nationalities and a hellhole for women has been protected by foreign powers, the reactionary state and its backbone – the Royal Nepal Army and the police.

In 1990 the monarchy was forced by the people’s movement to retreat from its absolute power and a multi-party parliamentary system with one of the broadest ranges of political parties in the world was re-introduced. The Nepalese people expected that food, clean drinking water and proper sanitation would become available for the poor, houses would be built and lit, and health care and education would be provided. They expected abolition of women’s and cast oppression; subordination of national minorities; rampant corruption, bribery, nepotism and theft at all levels of government. However, the many ills of the old society became even worse, bitterly dashing people’s hopes and expectations.

In this situation the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) took the decision to launch what the Maoists call a People’s War. In February 1996, starting with just a handful of organized units and only a few simple weapons, some of them even homemade – but with the political support of millions of people – they made a series of attacks across the country aimed at the old state combined with other mass actions on which many thousands of people took part. The goal of this struggle was not to force just a few reforms or reach some kind of “power sharing” agreement, but to end foreign domination, thoroughly uproot the feudal structures that dominate Nepali society at all levels and to radically transform social relations in all spheres. The CPN (M) has said that they are leading this struggle as a conscious part of a worldwide revolutionary process in which they are taking part.

The People’s War that began in February 1996 has advanced since then with amazing speed. Today over 80% of the Nepal’s territory and the majority of its people live in areas under the control of the revolution, while the king’s regime has been confined to just the cities and main towns. Revolutionary Base Areas have been established in which real People’s Power has become a reality for the first time in the history of Nepal. In these areas the people themselves collectively exercise political power to change the society for the benefit of the vast majority. In the Base Areas the people are building up a new society using People’s Committees as its building blocks. The People’s Committees are elected by the people and united on a central level in the United Revolutionary People’s Council (URPC), which is the embryo of a new state and represents the emergence of the people’s political power on a nationwide level.

With the establishment of the revolutionary Base Areas in the countryside national minorities and women are exercising new found freedom and power; an independent economy is being developed; the hated caste system is being abolished so that for the first time in the history of South Asia “dalits” (“untouchables”) are gaining true equality in society; trafficking of women, children, drugs and also prostitution, wife beating, dowries… have been ended; education has become free for all children and youth; people enjoy complete protection against corrupt government officials and the feudal landlords; and a new culture has been promoted where science, creativity and debate is replacing superstition, ignorance and blind obedience. The outlines of a new Nepal – and a new world – are becoming more and more visible every day.

The CPN (M) has stated that the People’s War has entered its final stage – the strategic offensive. However, the monarchy and its imperialist backers continue to launch offensives aimed at beating the revolution back into a defensive position and eventually defeating it. On February 1, 2005 King Gyanendra re-instituted the absolute monarchy, suspended all rights, closed dozens of newspapers and radio stations putting all over media under open censorship and imprisoning over a thousand political activists – including former government ministers. Mass killings of non-combatants, rape and torture are the main tactics of the Royal Nepalese Army and its US, Israeli and Indian “advisors”. Nepal leads the world in the number of “disappeared”. The danger of open foreign military intervention is growing – most probably by the Indian army supported by the US and European imperialists.

The World People’s Resistance Movement (WPRM) sees the revolution in Nepal as the most advanced struggle against imperialism in the world today. The existence of genuine People’s Power there has profound implications for the people’s struggle against imperialism around the world. International solidarity will become a meaningless phrase if people around the world do not unite to oppose foreign intervention in Nepal and support the gains the people’s struggle there has won at the cost of great sacrifice. The battle shaping up around Nepal will undoubtedly be one of the historic struggles of the first half of 21^st century – and it is one we must dare to wage and seek to win!

The speaking tour that the WPRM, its affiliated organizations and other groups and individuals are organizing throughout Europe to help spread the news of the revolution in Nepal features a well-informed speaker from South Asia along with the latest news from the Base Areas and People’s War. It will provide a unique opportunity to learn about and discuss first-hand the true developments in Nepal and their meaning for the people there and everywhere. We urge everyone to support, help build for and attend the program in their country and city.

Narayan Sanyal was lifted

2006-01-16T20:23:00.000-08:00

Narayan Sanyal was lifted
Jaljala corespondent
New Dehli, 17 Janaury
A popular revolutionary leader Narayan Sanyal was lifted by the Intelligence Branch of Police from Raipur on 28^th December, 2005.He was abducted in such a manner, which actually exposed once more, the real undemocratic and repressive character of the Indian state and democracy. He was continuously put under illegal police custody for 7 days, violating all the directives of the Supreme Court, given in respect of Arrest and Interrogation of a person. During police custody, Narayan Sanyal had to face many kinds of mental tortures. He was even threatened to be killed in fake police encounter. But when PUCL, PUDR, HRF, RDF and other civil rights and democratic organizations, along with different press and media raised strong voices against this illegal police arrest, the A.P.police, ultimately had to produce him before Kothagudem court of Khammam district in the evening of 3^rd January, 2006.Afterwards, he was implicated in several serious cases and sent to Warangal jail.

From the Press Release of CPI (Maoist), it has come to notice that Narayan Sanyal is a senior member of its central committee. He is active in the revolutionary movements of the country since more than 35 years. Following the call of Charu Majumdar, the leader of Naxalbari Peasant Revolt, he jumped into Naxalbadi movement, leaving his Bank job in West Bengal, and continued his journey till date. He went to Bihar to become part of the movement there in 70's and was arrested in 1973. He was kept in various prisons in West Bengal and Bihar till 1978. Inside the jail he led several struggles for the rights of the political prisoners. The post-emergency movement to release the political prisoners, including naxalites forced the Bihar government to release him. He stood steadfast for the unity of communist revolutionaries. Immediately, he jumped into revolutionary movement and his efforts paved way to form CPI (ML) (Unity Organisation). Later, it was metamorphosed into CPI (ML) (Party Unity) which led many heroic struggles in (the then) Central Bihar. He became the Secretary of the Central Committee of CPI (ML) (Party Unity) in 1987. When CPI (ML) (Party Unity) and CPI (ML) (PW) merged into CPI (ML) (PW) in 1998, he became its CC Member. He played an important role in the unity process between CPI (ML) (PW) and MCCI, which merged into CPI (Maoist) in September, 2004. He also became the CC Member of the CPI (Maoist). He is about 68 years old, and in recent years suffering from ill health. He had gone to Raipur on 28th December, 2005 for his medical treatment, when picked by the Police.

As soon as, PUCL, Chattisgarh got the news of the arrest of Narayan Sanyal, it put the demand to the government to safeguard his human rights and declare his arrest, immediately. It also sent the massage of his arrest to PUDR, Delhi and other civil rights organizations, along with the press and media. PUDR, Delhi issued an Urgent Appeal and demanded to announce the formal arrest of Prasad (alias Narayan Sanyal). Likewise, Revolutionary Democratic Front also issued An Appeal at country and world level, urging the progressive and democratic forces to come forward to defend the life of Narayan Sanyal. It organized a Protest Dharna in Delhi on 3^rd January, 2006 and handed over a Memorandum to the Home Minister and the Resident Commissioner of Andhra Bhavan, demanding the immediate production of Narayan Sanyal before the court. The same appeal was also made by the International League of Peoples Struggle, World Peoples Resistance Forum and others international forums. The press and media also played positive roles by regularly publishing the news of the illegal arrest of Narayan Sanyal. Beside that, his family member filed a Habius Corpus in the High Court of Chattisgarh.

All these efforts forced the police and other government officials to declare the arrest of Narayan Sanyal. They did not succeed in inflicting any physical blow to the ‘most wanted’ maoist leader. At first the Home Secretary, Chattisgarh conveyed the PUCL,Chattisgarh and PUDR, Delhi on 30^th December,2005 that Prasad ( alias Narayan Sanyal) had been picked up from Raipur, but not arrested formally. But, when the press people contacted him on 31^thDecember, he refused to confirm the arrest of Prasad. In the meanwhile, the Human Rights Forum of A.P. asked to the Senior Police Officer of AP, who also denied the arrest of Prasad. But later on, one of the officer of AP Police accepted before the UNI that, ‘ The maoist leader has been arrested… and he is healthy’. Then the Chattisgarh Home Secretary also accepted before IANS that, ‘ I have come to know that a 67 years old maoist leader has been arrested, and he is in the custody of AP Police. The Chattisharh government has nothing to do with this matter’. And lastly, the AP Police produced Narayan Sanyal before the press on 3 rd January, 2006 at 3 PM.

The Khammam district S.P. told a blatant lie before the press that, ‘Narayan Sanyal has been arrested from Bhadrachalam town on 3rd January, 2006 at 3.30 AM. The AP Police produced him before the court of Kothagudam, by implicating in case of Arms Act. He was sent to Warangal Jail under 15 days of judicial remand. He has also been implicated in 21 other serious cases, including the cases related with attacks on Chandrababu Naidu, Bastar S.P., Police of Koraput and Jahanbad Jail, and the killing of a Congress leader of Dantewada. Now, the police has started the process of producing the aged and unhealthy maoist leader in the above mentioned cases, pending in the courts of different states. The police of different states are also trying to take him on remand, in the name of enquiry and interrogation. It’s very dangerous for the health and life of Narayan Sanyal to be transferred from one place to another for such dubious purposes.

It is known to all that AP Police is infamous in organizing a cruel repressive campaign against the maoists. They have killed about 200 maoists and their supporters and sent hundreds of them into jails, in the year of 2005 only. A few years back, they had killed three central leaders of CPI (ML) PW in fake encounter, by capturing them from Banglore. Recently, they have also killed a central leader of CPI(ML) Janshakti in the same way. Thus, in the custody and supervision of the AP Police, the life of Narayan Sanyal can never be safe and secured. Specially, when and intensive repressive campaign against the maoist movements of nine states is going on under the Joint Operation Command, directly formed by the central government, it has become a very serious concern to defend the life of Narayan Sanyal. It is to note that under the same Joint Operation, the polit bureau member of CPI (Maoist) Shushil Roy and its central committee member Patitpawan had been arrested in West Bengal, a few months before. They had also been illegally kept and tortured under police custody for 3 days.

Under these circumstances, it is the duty of all the human rights, civil rights organizations and democratic-revolutionary forces to come forward in the defense of the human rights of Narayan Sanyal. They should also put the demand of granting him the status of a political prisoner, before the government.

Finally, we call upon all the progressive, democratic and revolutionary forces to organize a broad-based people’s movement for the release of the popular revolutionary leader Narayan Sanyal.